Briefings

What’s in your Common Good

January 9, 2019

<p>The 2015 Community Empowerment Act has many parts, some of which received more attention than others and some of which are still working their way through the process of being implemented. One of these sections relates to Common Good Property. The question of what the Common Good consists of has long been an area of contention, as is the matter of how these assets are managed and disposed of. Councils are now required to publish a register of all Common Good assets after fully consulting with communities. Might be worth checking out what your Council has done.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: Scottish Government

Common good property

Assets held for the common good – such as parks, monuments and statues – are owned by local authorities, who must manage the assets in accordance with existing statutory and non-statutory duties.

As part of the Community Empowerment (Scotland) Act 2015, local authorities have certain duties in relation to common good property. The purpose of these duties is to increase:

             transparency about the existence of common good assets

             community involvement in decisions regarding them, including their identification and how they are used and disposed of

The Act dictates that local authorities must:

             ‘establish and maintain a register of property which is held by the authority as part of the common good’, and engage with local communities in setting up these registers

             publish details of any proposals to dispose of or change the use of common good assets, and open these proposals to community councils for consultation

             ‘have regard to any guidance issued by the Scottish Ministers’ in terms of:

o             the process of creating common good registers

o             the process of disposing and changing the use of common good property

o             the management and use of common good property

We ran a consultation on draft guidance on common good property for local authorities from 30 June 2017 to 29 September 2017. We published the analysis of responses to the common good property consultation on 24 November. We used this to inform the statutory guidance for local authorities on common good property, published in July 2018.

 

Briefings

Understanding populism

<p>Around this time, we usually hear which words have made it into the shortlist for the Word of 2018. It&rsquo;s a fair bet that &lsquo;populism&rsquo; will be up there. When populism first started being bandied about it sounded like it had to be a good thing &ndash; that it was somehow about the concerns of ordinary people. But pretty quickly it came to be associated with a whole raft of hate-driven ideologies and bizarrely, became the rallying cry of political figures who were anything but ordinary people. A useful article by Peter Bloom tries to shed some light.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: Peter Bloom

Populism is seemingly sweeping the globe, threatening the established status quo. Optimistically, it promises to bring about much needed change to what appears to be a corrupt political and economic order. More ominously, it is dangerously promoting racism, sexism, xenophobia, jingoism, and attacking basic human rights around the world.

It is therefore important not to blithely conflate different populist and grassroots movements. The left-wing movements championing greater inclusion are plainly very different from right-wing ones keen on reinforced or increased exclusion. But despite their profound differences, they have one thing in common: they claim to represent a supposedly victimised popular majority, “the people”.

Exactly who these “people” actually are is far from clear. All sides are embroiled in an ongoing struggle to determine how to define which populations count and which do not. Lost in the public outcry regarding populism is a deeper conflict over who matters socially, economically and politically.

In the wake of the recent upsurge in populist movements, there have been a number of attempts to better define what the word “populism” actually describes. Perhaps the best and clearest recent definition comes from Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, who write that populism:

Pits a virtuous and homogeneous people against a set of elites and dangerous ‘others’ who are together depicted as depriving (or attempting to deprive) the sovereign people of their rights, values, prosperity, identity, and voice.

But populism doesn’t just appeal with an “us-versus-them” attack on elites; it also offers its supporters a passionate sense of solidarity. It mobilises individuals and communities under a common identity, one that can be socially invigorating and politically empowering. Populism is therefore an opportunity to dramatically redefine the political landscape, and to fill the relatively vacuous term of the “people” with any of various new meanings.

But just as some ideas of “the people” are exclusionary, others are radically inclusive.

The late political theorist Ernesto Laclau declared that at its roots, populism is linked to a specific politics – that even the most seemingly mundane protest can reveal the limitations of an existing system and the potential to establish something radically different. If those in power cannot meet these demands, they and the values they represent will suddenly look vulnerable and replaceable.

While Laclau was writing about the general logic of populism, the content of this demand matters greatly for the specifics of these fraught times. Calls for greater democracy, for instance, focus popular attention on democratising political and economic organisations. By contrast, fearmongering against immigrants (to take one example) seeks to restrict political power and economic benefits, making them the preserve of a chosen population.

The ideology driving these demands and identities is therefore of paramount importance. The resurgence of authoritarian and fascist rhetoric speaks to the dangers of demagogues playing on the dissatisfaction of the majority for the creation of a more repressive and less equitable social order. However, the infusing of progressive ideals with a populist spirit can catalyse movements and identities that broaden politics to reach previously invisible groups.

Populism has the radical potential to foster not just exclusion, but greater inclusion. By instilling a shared sense of injustice, inclusive movements can alert their followers to the plight of other people whom they’ve been socialised to ignore, forging bonds first of empathy and then of solidarity. This in turn means their preferred definition of “the people” can be expanded to include more and more citizens.

In recent years, a number of scholars and commentators have challenged how far the label “populism” should be extended. They question whether figures such as Jeremy Corbyn should even be called populists, arguing that failing to make the distinction between exclusive and inclusive movements reflects lazy and even disingenuous thinking. When any challenge to “sensible”, “moderate” politics is derided as populist regardless of its stated aims, the political dominance of the establishment is consolidated.

This argument for a tighter definition of populism is prudent, but inclusion-minded movements shouldn’t be let off the hook entirely. If movements on the left remain fixated on bringing down maligned or incompetent elites, they will tie themselves to a dangerous politics of sovereignty, one where the overriding goal is simply to take power. This is a very narrow vision. Instead, the imperative must be to find new ways to more equitably organise society and share power.

Ultimately, these sorts of political movements should always be thought of as beginnings, not ends in themselves. Radical, inclusive politics should be much more than a critique of those at the top; it needs to be an ongoing debate over who “we” are and how “we” can be empowered. In an age when the forces of xenophobia and nativism are on the rise, these concerns are perhaps more timely than ever before. Modern politics isn’t just a struggle between left-populists and right-populists: it’s a race to define and expand who the “people” are and what they can achieve together.

 

Briefings

Wanton destruction

<p><span>Last year, Andy Wightman MSP failed in his bid to have tighter controls imposed on landowners who scar the landscape by bulldozing tracks across their land for deer stalking and grouse shooting. Despite widespread support from environmental and conservation groups, and plenty of evidence in plain sight, Scottish Government concluded that landowners are acting within their rights. Hopefully, a different conclusion will be reached concerning the environmental damage that is being inflicted on our seabed by illegal fishing practices. Several coastal communities and marine environmental protection groups have just written to the First Minister calling for prompt action.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: CAOLAS, CCN etal

This letter to the First Minister was jointly signed by a coalition of coastal community groups, marine environmentalists and pressure groups with an interest in the long term sustainability and quality of Scotland’s marine environment.

 

 

Briefings

Flushed

<p>The first public toilet appeared at the Great Exhibition in 1851 in Hyde Park and for a penny the visitor received not just the use of the facilities but a fresh towel, a comb and a shoeshine into the bargain (recommended <span class="MsoHyperlink"><a href="https://dtascommunityownership.org.uk/sites/default/files/Public%20Toilet%20Publication%20Final.pdf">toilet reading</a></span> from COSS) &nbsp;And over the next 150 years, the public toilet flourished as an institution. But with budget cuts of recent years it increasingly falls to the community to keep their public loos open. Some are rising to the challenge. The folk on Cumbrae have even made their &lsquo;Cumbrae Cludgies&rsquo; a visitor attraction.&nbsp;</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: Margaret Taylor , The Herald

I can still remember the stench of the public lavatories that graced the high street of the Aberdeenshire town I grew up in, the putrid blend of age-old urine and oxygen-starved cigarette smoke seemingly etched onto my olfactory memory forever.

Thankfully neither the block nor its split-seated stainless steel bowls survived much beyond the 1980s, with the building they were housed in bulldozed to make way for a shiny new supermarket during my teenage years. Not that we were left loo-less for long, with no thoroughly modern, Presto-toting town centre being thought complete in those heady days unless it boasted a brand spanking new toilet block too. Complete with bleach-wielding attendant, of course.

Fast forward to 2019, however, and those well-tended toilets are facing an uncertain future, with Aberdeenshire Council last year transferring responsibility for them to a local heritage group as part of a cost-cutting drive. The group has vowed to keep them running for the foreseeable future, with a community-spirited local cleaner and a couple of helpers stepping in to provide their services free of charge.

The situation is far from unique. Research published in this newspaper last month showed that across Scotland the number of public toilets has reduced by 20 per cent in the past five years, with a third of the 724 that remain expected to be sold off or closed in the coming months. In towns and villages across the country solutions are being found, with local authorities paying small sums to local businesses in return for public access to their facilities in a so-called ‘comfort partnership’ arrangement.

As in my home town, other community groups have taken full responsibility for their local loos, with the Cumbrae Community Development Company – aka The Cumbrae Cludgies – proving just how successful community ownership can be after taking over management of the island’s six public toilets in 2016. Millport has been judged Hidden Scotland’s most beautiful town and its Newton Beach one of Keep Scotland Beautiful’s best beaches since, with its gleaming toilets helping clinch the awards.

Yet despite the stellar work being done by Cumbrae ‘Cludgie Cleaner’ Suki McGregor, who not only ensures the facilities are kept pristine but promotes the island in YouTube videos too, the group has turned to crowdfunding in a bid to raise the £10,000 needed for its survival. Running toilets is an expensive business, you see.

But is it an expensive business that the public should pay for from the good of its heart through donations of time or money, or should our publicly funded bodies continue to foot the bill? A decade on from the advent of former Prime Minister David Cameron’s Age of Austerity, we all know money is tight, but I’m still willing to argue it’s the latter.

It goes without saying that the loss of public toilets sends a negative message to the visitors our rural communities depend on in order to thrive. It’s one thing throwing money at advertising campaigns whose romanticised vision of our hills, glens, food and drink is designed to lure tourists in, but if they can’t access even the most basic of services once they get here they’re hardly likely to give us a glowing review.

And if welcoming holiday-makers isn’t your thing, think on this: without easy access to a public loo many elderly members of our communities, whose social interactions have already been curtailed by the automation of pension payments, the closure of local banks and the soaring cost of a cup of tea, may well give up on venturing down the town altogether. Consigning the elderly or infirm to their homes rather than finding ways of ensuring they can remain a part of the community is hardly the mark of a civilised society.

And that, really, is the crux: far from being a simple inconvenience, the loss of public lavatories serves as a reminder of just how uncivilised our society has become. From streets smeared with dog dirt to towns left without libraries, the symptoms are everywhere. The narrative might be that by closing toilets councils are cutting back on a service they are not legally obliged to provide, but the wider story is that after a decade’s worth of austerity-led budget cuts we have been reduced to accepting the budget version of civic life.

The latest manifestation is the introduction of fees for school music tuition, a move that is to be derided not just because it separates out the rich from the poor but because it implies that only the former are deserving of enriching experiences. In West Lothian alone, 1,000 school kids have dropped out of music lessons since an annual fee of £345 was introduced. If that isn’t a wake-up call that austerity isn’t working, what is?

On its website the Cumbrae Community Development Company states that “a community that cares about its public toilets sends out a strong message about the type of community it is”. Our communities keep sending that message, about their toilets and so much more. It’s time that those in power started to listen.

 

Briefings

Who is the landlord?

<p>The Stornoway Trust on the Isle of Lewis is the oldest and one of the largest development trusts in the country, with 28,000 hectares of land under its ownership around the town of Stornoway. The Trust, like many community organisations on the Western Isles, has an active interest in wind power and in recent years has been working with energy giant EDF and others to develop a massive windfarm project. Recent reports suggest that in doing so, the Trust may have signed away more than just the rights of individual crofting communities to develop their own wind energy projects.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: Stornoway Gazette

A controversial bombshell was fired into the public arena when it was claimed that the lease granted by the Stornoway Trust to windfarm developer Lewis Wind Power (LWP) to drive forward a renewable energy project on the Island, means that the Stornoway Trust has agreed to surrender their status as crofting landlord to that company.

And that management decisions concerning estate lands such as, agreement to an apportionment, enlarging a common grazing or creating a new one, granting or renewing a lease or selling ground could not happen without getting the consent of the owners of Lewis Wind Power.

 The views on the details of the lease terms were made on the website ‘Hebrides Writer’ (http://www.hebrideswriter.com/) by guest author Lewis Kermack, a retired solicitor with extensive experience in the Land Court.

The information laid out in the blog brought a storm of protest via Facebook comments from the public with many critising the Stornoway Trust in its handling of the lease agreement.

However this morning (Thursday) the Stornoway Trust, fired back at the claims via its own Facebook page, detailing: “The Trust is aware that there have been some misconceptions circulating in regard to the nature, duration and terms of the lease agreement with Lewis Wind Power. “These are easily addressed.

The lease is for a period of 35 years: 25 years of generation, followed by a 5-year decommissioning period. It was believed at the outset that 5 years would adequately cover the initial development phase. However, had the wind farm been built in under 5 years, this would have then triggered the 25-year phase, in parallel with planning consent.

“The lease also contains a standard option for renewal. This would be at the Trust’s discretion. “LWP would require to go through the whole repowering process from the beginning – obtaining planning consent, grid connection, a power purchase contract, agreeing terms with crofters and, crucially, consultation with the community. By that juncture, it is intended that the community will own a 20%+ stake in the wind farm, which will, of course, inform its decision-making on any future lease.

“Built into the current lease is the safeguard that ALL crofting jurisdiction remains with the Trust as landlord. The only right made over to Lewis Wind Power in the lease is the right to build a wind farm on Stornoway Trust land.

“The leasee relinquished its interest in the Beinn Ghrìdeag site in favour of the Trust, in order that the landlord could then grant permission for Point and Sandwick Trust to build their wind farm there. “Provision was also included that, within the lease period, each township could build turbines generating up to 4mw of power. The only condition attached was that these should not prejudice the leasee’s ability to generate the rent they had pledged to the crofters.”

The statement concluded: “If LWP had become the landlord, why would Stornoway Trust continue to hold democratic elections? Trustees are returned in order to oversee the sustainable management of a community estate. There is, therefore, no doubt regarding the identity of the landlord: this estate remains entirely under the ownership of the Stornoway Trust.”

 

Briefings

Force the sale

<p>Communities will soon have a right to buy vacant and derelict land, if its presence is judged to have a detrimental effect on the community.&nbsp; Of course, the community may have neither the means nor the desire to own the asset in question &ndash; just a wish for whoever owns it to stop neglecting it. In which case, the local authority could, in theory, use its powers of compulsory purchase but it also may have neither the resources nor the will to own the asset. And in that case, you might imagine, it would be stalemate. But now there's another way.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: Scott MacNab, The Scotsman

Radical new powers allowing councils to order the sale of “eyesore” derelict sites and vacant land across Scotland are to be introduced, the Scottish Government has confirmed.

Empty homes, abandoned shops, derelict hotels and gap sites could be among those targeted by the introduction of compulsory sale orders (CSOs) after planning minister Kevin Stewart said they would be introduced in the course of this Parliament.

The move to bring in CSOs by 2021 would allow councils to force owners to sell such sites at auction instead of allowing them to lie empty where they are seen to be causing “harm” to local communities by attracting problems such as anti-social behaviour.

However, there are concerns about whether councils will have the funding or expertise to bring forward such measures.

The CSO proposal was a key recommendation of the 2014 Land Reform Review Group.

Stewart has confirmed in a parliamentary answer the Scottish Government will introduce the orders by 2021 after proposals drawn up by the Land Commission.

Councils already have powers to buy land through CPOs, but this would involve the authority making the purchase itself, which it may not always have the funds to do. There is also a community “right to buy” for sustainable development, but it may not be appropriate for the smaller scale development envisioned for CSOs.

Shona Glenn, head of policy and research at the Scottish Land Commission, said: “The logic behind the proposal is to address quite a specific problem.

“Very often what you get with these vacant sites or empty buildings is that they’re in parts of the country where there isn’t an awful lot of turnover of properties, so there isnt a lot of transactions going on. Very often theyre quite deprived communities.

“That creates a problem because it makes it very difficult to assess what the value of that property might be. And what that means is that it’s quite easy for owners of these sites to have quite unrealistic expectations of what the value might be.”

There are more than 3,000 sites of land lying derelict across Scotland and more than 30,000 empty homes.

A report released in August by the Scottish Land Commission said around 11,600 hectares of vacant and derelict land in Scotland with the figures not having changed substantially since the late 1990s, making it an “entrenched problem”.

Edinburgh’s Granton Harbour, the closed Ruchill Hospital and Provan Gas Works in Glasgow, and the former Broadford Works in Aberdeen are among some of the biggest derelict or vacant sites contained in land surveys collated by the Scottish Government.

But there are also believed to be more than 37,000 long-term empty homes in Scotland, the report estimated.

Although not all the sites would qualify for CSO, a significant number could.

Glenn said: “We’re not saying it could be used for any vacant land or any derelict property. We’ve specifically tried to focus in on relatively small sites and sites that are causing blight to communities.

“This issue of harm is really important.

“It’s not just any old property or site, it’s ones that actively cause harm. And I think when you phrase it like that it becomes more difficult for people to object to that because it is something that’s causing harm.”

But Alan Cook, commercial property expert and a partner with law firm Pinsent Masons, said any proposals would have to be balanced and “respect the right of landowners”.

He said: “Given the legal issues and evidence base that would be required to meet CSO requirements, it is debatable if local authorities will have the appetite, resource and expertise to adopt this new power.”

Cook also questioned whether properties chosen for compulsory sale would include those which have been shown to be capable of development, but where the owner had been “sitting on its hands” waiting for the value to escalate.

This may result in a sale which leaves the “property in new hands, but subject to the same issues which hampered development under its previous ownership”, he said.

Several gap sites in Edinburgh have been beset by development delays in recent years, including those in Haymarket and on Leith Walk.

Edinburgh City Council housing and economy convener Kate Campbell said: “Many people are struggling to find a home in the city that meets their needs. This means we need to make sure that all land and housing in the city is being well used.

“The work the Scottish Government is doing to give us additional powers to bring vacant land and properties back into use is very welcome.”

 

Briefings

Science vs Capitalism

<p>Perhaps the next time the world gathers to consider what actions are necessary to avert climate break down, countries should only send their economists and leave the scientists at home. After all, the scientists tend to agree about what needs to happen. But judging by the response and coverage of the recent conference in Poland which signed off a plan (of sorts) to implement the Paris Agreement, climate science and economics could not be further apart. The scientists have gone even further - claiming capitalism is over. Perhaps someone needs to tell that to the economists.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: The Independent

This is how UN scientists are preparing for the end of capitalism.

As the era of cheap energy comes to an end, capitalist thinking is struggling to solve the huge problems facing humanity. So how do we respond?

Capitalism as we know it is over. So suggests a new report commissioned by a group of scientists appointed by the UN secretary general. The main reason? We’re transitioning rapidly to a radically different global economy, due to our increasingly unsustainable exploitation of the planet’s environmental resources and the shift to less efficient energy sources.

Climate change and species extinctions are accelerating even as societies are experiencing rising inequality, unemployment, slow economic growth, rising debt levels, and impotent governments. Contrary to the way policymakers usually think about these problems these are not really separate crises at all.

These crises are part of the same fundamental transition. The new era is characterised by inefficient fossil fuel production and escalating costs of climate change. Conventional capitalist economic thinking can no longer explain, predict or solve the workings of the global economy in this new age.

Those are the implications of a new background paper prepared by a team of Finnish biophysicists who were asked to provide research that would feed into the drafting of the UN Global Sustainable Development Report (GSDR), which will be released in 2019.

For the “first time in human history”, the paper says, capitalist economies are “shifting to energy sources that are less energy efficient.” Producing usable energy (“exergy”) to keep powering “both basic and non-basic human activities” in industrial civilisation “will require more, not less, effort”.

At the same time, our hunger for energy is driving what the paper refers to as “sink costs.” The greater our energy and material use, the more waste we generate, and so the greater the environmental costs. Though they can be ignored for a while, eventually those environmental costs translate directly into economic costs as it becomes more and more difficult to ignore their impacts on our societies.

And the biggest “sink cost”, of course, is climate change: “Sink costs are also rising; economies have used up the capacity of planetary ecosystems to handle the waste generated by energy and material use. Climate change is the most pronounced sink cost.”

Overall, the amount of energy we can extract, compared to the energy we are using to extract it, is decreasing “across the spectrum – unconventional oils, nuclear and renewables return less energy in generation than conventional oils, whose production has peaked – and societies need to abandon fossil fuels because of their impact on the climate.”

A copy of the paper, available on the website of the BIOS Research Unit in Finland, was sent to me by lead author Dr Paavo Järvensivu, a ‘biophysical economist’ – a rare, but emerging breed of economist exploring the role of energy and materials in fuelling economic activity.

The UN’s GSDR is being drafted by an independent group of scientists (IGS) appointed by the UN Secretary general. The IGS is supported by a range of UN agencies including the UN Secretariat, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the UN Environment Programme, the UN Development Programme, the UN Conference on Trade and Development and the World Bank.

The paper, co-authored by Dr Järvensivu with the rest of the BIOS team, was commissioned by the UN’s IGS specifically to feed into the chapter on ‘Transformation: the Economy’. Invited background documents are used as the basis of the GSDR, but what ends up in the final report will not be known until it is released next year.

The BIOS paper suggests that much of the political and economic volatility we have seen in recent years has a root cause in this creeping ecological crisis. As the ecological and economic costs of industrial overconsumption continue to rise, the constant economic growth we have become accustomed to is now in jeopardy. That, in turn, has exerted massive strain on our politics.

But the underlying issues are still unacknowledged and unrecognised by policymakers.

“We live in an era of turmoil and profound change in the energetic and material underpinnings of economies. The era of cheap energy is coming to an end,” says the paper.

Conventional economic models, the Finnish scientists note, “almost completely disregard the energetic and material dimensions of the economy.”

The scientists refer to the pioneering work of systems ecologist Professor Charles Hall of the State University of New York with economist Professor Kent Klitgaard from Wells College. This year, Hall and Klitgaard released an updated edition of their seminal book, Energy and the Wealth of Nations: An Introduction to BioPhysical Economics.

Hall and Klitgaard are highly critical of mainstream capitalist economic theory, which they say has become divorced from some of the most fundamental principles of science. They refer to the concept of “energy return on investment” (EROI) as a key indicator of the shift into a new age of difficult energy. EROI is a simple ratio that measures how much energy we use to extract more energy.

“For the last century, all we had to do was to pump more and more oil out of the ground,” say Hall and Klitgaard. Decades ago, fossil fuels had very high EROI values – a little bit of energy allowed us to extract large amounts of oil, gas and coal.

But as I’ve previously reported, this is no longer the case. Now we’re using more and more energy to extract smaller quantities of fossil fuels. Which means higher production costs to produce what we need to keep the economy rolling. The stuff is still there in the ground – billions of barrels worth to be sure, easily enough to fry the climate several times over.

But it’s harder and more expensive to get out. And the environmental costs of doing so are rising dramatically, as we’ve caught a glimpse of with this summer’s global heatwave.

These costs are not recognised by capitalist markets. They literally cannot be seen. Earlier in August, billionaire investor Jeremy Grantham – who has a track record of consistently calling financial bubbles – released an update to his April 2013 analysis, The Race of Our Lives.

The new paper provides a bruising indictment of contemporary capitalism’s complicity in the ecological crisis. Grantham’s verdict is that “capitalism and mainstream economics simply cannot deal with these problems” – namely, the systematic depletion of planetary ecosystems and environmental resources:

“The replacement cost of the copper, phosphate, oil, and soil – and so on – that we use is not even considered. If it were, it’s likely that the last 10 or 20 years (for the developed world, anyway) has seen no true profit at all, no increase in income, but the reverse.”

Efforts to account for these so-called ‘externalities’ by calculating their actual costs have been well-meaning, but have had negligible impact on the actual operation of capitalist markets.

In short, according to Grantham, “we face a form of capitalism that has hardened its focus to short-term profit maximisation with little or no apparent interest in social good.”

Yet for all his prescience and critical insights, Grantham misses the most fundamental factor in the great unravelling in which we now find ourselves: the transition to a low EROI future in which we simply cannot extract the same levels of energy and material surplus that we did decades ago.

Grantham’s blind eye is mirrored by the British economics journalist Paul Mason in his book Postcapitalism: A Guide to Our Future, who theorises that information technology is paving the way for the emancipation of labour by reducing the costs of knowledge production – and potentially other kinds of production that will be transformed by AI, blockchain, and so on – to zero. Thus, he says, will emerge a utopian ‘postcapitalist’ age of mass abundance, beyond the price system and rules of capitalism.

It sounds peachy, but Mason completely ignores the colossal, exponentially increasing physical infrastructure for the ‘internet-of-things’. His digital uprising is projected to consume evermore vast quantities of energy (as much as one-fifth of global electricity by 2025), producing 14 per cent of global carbon emissions by 2040.

Most observers, then, have no idea of the current biophysical realities – that the driving force of the transition to postcapitalism is the end of the age that made endless growth capitalism possible in the first place: the age of abundant, cheap energy.

And so we have moved into a new, unpredictable and unprecedented space in which the conventional economic toolbox has no answers. As slow economic growth simmers along, central banks have resorted to negative interest rates and buying up huge quantities of public debt to keep our economies rolling. But what happens after these measures are exhausted? Governments and bankers are running out of options.

 “It can be safely said that no widely applicable economic models have been developed specifically for the upcoming era,” write the Finnish scientists for the UN drafting process.

Having identified the gap, they lay out the opportunities for transition. But capitalist markets will not be capable of facilitating the required changes – governments will need to step up, and institutions will need to actively shape markets to fit the goals of human survival.

“More expensive energy doesn’t necessarily lead to economic collapse,” lead author Paavo Järvensivu says. “Of course, people won’t have the same consumption opportunities, there’s not enough cheap energy available for that, but they are not automatically led to unemployment and misery either.”

In this low EROI future, we simply have to accept the hard fact that we will not be able to sustain current levels of economic growth. “Meeting current or growing levels of energy need in the next few decades with low-carbon solutions will be extremely difficult, if not impossible,” the paper finds. The economic transition must involve efforts “to lower total energy use.”

Key areas to achieve this include transport, food and construction. City planning needs to adapt to the promotion of walking and biking, a shift toward public transport, as well as the electrification of transport. Homes and workplaces will become more connected and localised. Meanwhile, international freight transport and aviation cannot continue to grow at current rates.

As with transport, the global food system will need to be overhauled. Climate change and oil-intensive agriculture have unearthed the dangers of countries becoming dependent on food imports from a few main production areas. A shift towards food self-sufficiency across both poorer and richer countries will be essential. And ultimately, dairy and meat should make way for largely plant-based diets.

The construction industry’s focus on energy-intensive manufacturing, dominated by concrete and steel, should be replaced by alternative materials. The BIOS paper recommends a return to the use of long-lasting wood buildings, which can help to store carbon, but other options such as biochar might be effective too.

But capitalist markets will not be capable of facilitating the required changes – governments will need to step up, and institutions will need to actively shape markets to fit the goals of human survival. Right now, the prospects for this look slim. But the new paper argues that either way, change is coming.

Whether or not this system still comprises a form of capitalism is ultimately a semantic question. It depends on how you define capitalism.

“Capitalism, in that situation, is not like ours now,” said Järvensivu. “Economic activity is driven by meaning – maintaining equal possibilities for the good life while lowering emissions dramatically – rather than profit, and the meaning is politically, collectively constructed. Well, I think this is the best conceivable case in terms of modern state and market institutions. It can’t happen without considerable reframing of economic-political thinking, however.”

 

Briefings

Forerunner to social enterprise

December 12, 2018

<p>No one can doubt that Scottish Government has been whole hearted in its support of social enterprise over the years. A 10-year strategy, a three year fully funded action plan and an eco-system of support infrastructure that many believe is unparalleled anywhere on the planet. All good stuff. But in the interests of keeping our feet firmly on the ground and before the planning begins on the content of the next action plan, perhaps we should reflect on where all this started and what the original drivers were. Gillian Murray provides an excellent potted history.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: Gillian Murray

The force and coherency with which Margaret Thatcher and her inner circle outlined their vision for ‘enterprise culture’, like so many aspects of Thatcherism, have masked the complexity of its origins and the histories of alternative responses. This article provides a history of an alternative vision for enterprise culture by examining the community business movement in Scotland, the largest experiment of its kind in the UK in the 1980s and a forerunner of social enterprise. Working across Scotland, but with a hub of activity in the Strathclyde region, practitioners worked with local people to find ways to develop their neighbourhood economy while improving their environment, creating jobs, and developing services needed in their area. This article outlines the origins of the movement, the shared values of its founding members, and how their training in community development informed the community business model. It analyses how practitioners put their ideas into practice and the reasons behind the fragmentation of the movement in the 1990s. It argues that although at face value the concept of community business may appear to chime with the dominant political rhetoric of Thatcher’s ‘enterprise culture’, the history of the movement provides a signpost to an alternative, if unrealised, vision for Scotland’s recovery from social and economic depression. Where previous historical research has focused on the political consequences of Thatcher’s policies in Scotland, this research connects this discussion to the transformation of Scotland’s civic society in the wake of deindustrialization. 

To read full article – click here

 

Briefings

Objects of meaning

<p>Scotland&rsquo;s land reform journey and our community land movement is viewed by many (usually from afar) as radical and something to aspire to. The reality is never quite as rosy but nonetheless the perspectives gained from sharing and comparing with what&rsquo;s happening elsewhere are always valuable. Today Community Land Scotland are co-hosting a UK wide event in Manchester, building a picture of land reform as it develops across the four home nations. &nbsp;Land reform can represent different things to different people. National Museums Scotland want to document land reform through the collection of objects that hold special meaning.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: NMS

Watch a short video describing the initiative by Nation Museums Scotland to document the progress of land reform by collecting objects of meaning

 

Briefings

Our own investigation

<p>When Julia Unwin ventured north earlier this year to share some of the findings from her work on the future of civil society, she made it clear that her remit hadn&rsquo;t been to look at Scotland (funding constraints?) but that she thought many of the conclusions could equally apply here.&nbsp; A year or so ago, SCVO were testing the water before launching a similar investigation into the future of Scotland&rsquo;s Third Sector. Perhaps that will resurface once SCVO&rsquo;s new CEO, Anna Fowlie, has had time to find her bearings? In the meantime, more thoughts on the future of England&rsquo;s civil society.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

 

Author: David Ainsworth, Civil Society

The Civil Society Futures inquiry concludes we need a change in our behaviour to deliver what is needed. This is both right and wrong, says David Ainsworth.

There’s a lot to like in Julia Unwin’s Civil Society Futures report, which correctly highlights that we need a great shift in civil society to make it relevant to today’s society.

I’m responding to it slightly late, after a couple of days out of the office to look after a sick family, but it’s important enough that it’s still worth saying.

The core message in Unwin’s report is that we need to hand down power, increase accountability, learn to trust one another, and connect more closely. It’s also about doing this at every level of civil society.

It says that civil society risks being irrelevant if this doesn’t happen, and that we must make this change ourselves, by changing our behaviours.

This is all right, and at the same time, it’s utterly wrong.

Listen to the people

Absolutely, civil society is about handing down power. It ought to belong to ordinary people. Today’s great institutionalised charities don’t feel like part of that movement. They feel too big, too distant, too remote. Too rich.

The leaders of each individual organisation can probably take the actions needed to satisfy Unwin’s strictures. Listen to the people. Hold yourself accountable. Always ask how you can do better.

But as a movement, as a whole, we can’t simply make this happen through behaviour change. We need to change the rules.

We’ve had a lot of reports saying that it’s important to do better. Somehow, even though we all nod and murmur our appreciation, nothing seems to change. And that’s because people will never change. We will always be people. Fallible, self-centred, evolved for a Stone Age world.

It’s about incentives

People will always respond to incentives. If the incentives are bad, people will be bad. But people want to be good, so we have to give them good incentives.

Civil society is in some ways a doomed mission – trying to recreate a community-based existence; trying to create a society which is essentially equitable, just and fair. My history is sketchy before the Norman Conquest, but I can tell you that people have been trying and failing to achieve our goals for at least a thousand years. Modern charities preach many of the same messages as the levellers of the Civil War, and of the economic revolution in the wake of the Black Death. When Adam delved and Eve span, who then was the gentleman?

We all want to be part of a little tribe, a warm and comforting community. It’s what we’re built for, what we yearn for, in the same way we yearn for beaches and warm waters and rolling hills, and polar bears yearn for loneliness and cold and snow.

But we’ve built a world that is nothing like the one we’re shaped for. We’ve built a world of steel towers and teeming multitudes and instantaneous communication.

In some ways it’s a glorious world, offering long life and vast knowledge and 48 types of breakfast cereal. But it’s also a world we instinctively misunderstand. Because it’s so vast, it’s hard to change at human scale. And the fictions we’ve built – the ideas of money and limited liability and ownership – have inbuilt flaws in them which mean that they don’t work as they should to help the people who’ve imagined them.

Society, economy and polity

It feels to me as if we are citizens of three entities – a society, an economy, and a polity. Each of those impacts on us in different ways, and when they push in different directions, meaningful change is hard.

Changing society is hardest. You can only get social change by shifting attitudes, and that means causing people to voluntarily change their own minds, which they don’t like to do. There are tools to do it. Charity campaigners know those tools. Although, in many ways the easiest way to do it, as the physicist Neils Bohr said, is to wait until your opponents are dead.

Social change is not enough on its own, though. History is littered with social changes that come to nothing because social attitudes are not always more powerful than money, or power.

And this is where we get back to the Unwin report. It is calling on us to implement social change in our sub-society, organically, by realising the failures of our behaviours.

Change the rules

But trying to change the world one person at a time is not going to work. The whole history of the human race tells us that people don’t surrender power, don’t make themselves accountable. If you want to change behaviours, you have to change the rules.

That is not to say that we should look to government to swoop in with the answers to our problems. It is not about government money.

At one level, we are pointless without government. The structural problems we are trying to address – poverty, housing, care for those at risk – can all be solved if this country was simply run for the benefit of those who live in it, and government can do that, if it wants.

But at another level, government can do nothing for us. We are about human networks. Relationships. Communities. And a government cannot build a community.

No. It’s not help solving the problem we need from government. We just need the right tools to do the job.

The problem is that the polity that we operate in has decreed rules to govern our sector which are inimical to the society we want to build.

It places the ultimate power over vast organisations in the hands of no more than a dozen volunteers. It mandates those organisations to account more to a handful of wealthy donors than to the general public they were set up to serve. It encourages competition and mistrust between charities competing for the same funds. And it inhibits, not encourages, community and communication and collaboration.

I’ve talked elsewhere about what changes we might want – greater accountability to the public, a more bottom-up structure of control, a much more powerful regulator. But the exact mechanisms are not the focus here. The main point is that if we are to serve the people, we must give them the levers to control us. And we cannot do that without forcing government to change the structures that govern us.

You cannot change our sector without changing its rules.