Briefings

Community custodians

November 29, 2022

With some notable exceptions, those who feel most strongly about their built heritage are those who live closest to it. Which is why a trend has been steadily growing of community groups stepping into rescue old buildings.  These buildings may not be of great national significance but to those who know and care about their history they form an important part of local identity. The Architectural Heritage Fund is working with around 70 communities a year to help them become the de facto custodians of their heritage. Scotland’s built heritage consists of much more than castles and large country houses.

 

Author: Sandra Dick, The Herald

With its asbestos roof, bland exterior, dirt floor and wooden pens, the old auction mart in the Sutherland village of Rogart seemed to have little going for it.

The farmers and their sheep had long since moved on, the bustle of market day well past and the mart, amid a patch of scrubland, had seen better days.

Passers-by may well have seen an eyesore. For locals, however, the building’s weathered exterior represented generations of fond memories.

Having seen one effort to flatten it for housing fail, they resolved not to let their little piece of local heritage go.

A few weeks ago, their efforts were rewarded when Rogart Mart was again packed with people; this time not for a sheep sale but arts, crafts, treats and trinkets.

Reborn after a mammoth community effort, the building has been spruced up, the seating area made good and outside scrub cleared and landscaped.

While on the interior walls are dozens of old pictures that show the craggy-faced farmers and the buyers who once gathered under roof – poignant reminders of times and people now long gone.

“People walk in, they see the photographs on the walls and recognise the faces,” says Kate Roach, Project Coordinator of Rogart Development Trust.

“In its heyday, they were selling 20,000 sheep a day here, people came from all over and it was a huge social event.

“This is our heritage, and the building retains these memories for everyone.”

Built to meet demand from local farmers in the 1930s and closed in 2001 after the foot and mouth crisis meant its was no longer suitable for use, its supporters say it tells its own story of Scottish life.

In saving it, the Rogart community has joined countless others who are playing an increasingly important role as unofficial keepers of Scotland’s rich social history.

Rather than see old buildings deemed not significant enough to be saved from development, boarded up by cash-strapped local authorities or, worse, demolished, community groups across the land have taken matters into their own hands.

And as a result, they have become almost accidental custodians of the nation’s heritage.

The buildings they save range from old town halls no longer needed for council business, to grand historic homes steeped in history but which seemed set to fall into private hands.

One community has taken over a grain mill which at had looked like it might never turn a wheel again, another is caring for a 13th century castle.

Communities have taken on old Victorian schools, at least one Edwardian police station and, on the Isle of Canna, a picturesque but ‘at risk’ old barn.

Dating from the late 18th century, the two-storey Coroghan Barn was once used to store grain and livestock awaiting transportation.

Although owned by the National Trust for Scotland it had fallen into a miserable condition. Now the Isle of Canna Community Development Trust wants to revive it as a workshop, community space and bunkhouse.

According to Gordon Barr of the Architectural Heritage Fund, which supports communities as they take their early steps into taking over old buildings, a growing number of communities are no longer prepared to wait for other bodies to save their local built heritage.

“Our architectural heritage covers a lot more than ‘just’ castles and country houses, as important as those are,” he points out.

“Our ‘real’ heritage is often our homes, our places of work, our places of leisure.

“The buildings and environments that we use and surround us in the everyday, not just somewhere to visit on a special occasion.”

He says the AHF is supporting up to 70 community groups each year.

Often the buildings they seek to take on may not be of major historic significance but are so interwoven in local life and with their own stories of history and heritage, that losing them would be a tragedy.

Some are particularly quirky, such as in Langholm, where the Eskdale Foundation took on the Edwardian B-listed former police station and converted it into affordable and accessible housing.

“The project has resulted in the retention of the old station’s original features,” he adds. “In one flat, the bathroom door is the old police cell door.”

In Oban, Rockfield School, built in 1894, was earmarked for demolition when locals persuaded the local authority to transfer ownership to them. It reopened last summer as a multi-use, all-weather community hub with heritage centre.

At the other end of the scale in Annan, a local group is working to transform the historic harbour into a visitor hub combining natural and cultural heritage and supporting recreational and commercial boating activity.

“It’s the sheer ambition of that project that amazes us,” adds Gordon. “The idea of giving the public access to the historic harbour that’s never been available before, is really exciting.”

In Kilmarnock, a group wants to save a late 19th century ‘Old Men’s Cabin’ in a local park, built to give war veterans a place to socialise which ended up used as a council storage facility and boarded up.

It is dwarfed by ambitious plans by the community group which now runs 17th century Bannockburn House near Stirling. Once used as a headquarters by Bonnie Prince Charlie, it was set to be sold when they stepped in with plans for event space, housing and community gardens.

Even castles are being taken over: in Dundee, A-listed Dudhope Castle, parts of which are 13th century, is in the hands of social enterprise group The Circle who plan workspaces and events within its ancient walls.

Some buildings have deep ties to their community: in John O’Groats, locals were determined an old grain mill – among the last of what was once a common feature of the Caithness landscape – should not be lost.

“There was a huge milling industry in the area, but by the 20th century a lot had become redundant,” says Bryony Robinson of John O’Groats Mill.

“The mills were places where people would meet and socialise. They were warm in winter when it was dark and rainy, and with few places for people to gather.

“You can see graffiti on the walls scratched there by people from years ago.

“Many people have memories of the mill and when the last miller died around 20 years ago, the community wanted it to become a local asset and not just crumble and disappear.”

It will become a meeting place, visitor attraction with working mill and training facility to pass on long gone mill skills.

Among the latest projects to receive AHF support has helped to ensure the town hall at the centre of civic and social life in New Galloway since the 17th century is saved.

“It was at a crunch point where the council said if a local group didn’t take it over and manage it, it would be boarded up and we feared it would go to wrack and ruin,” says Ann Glaister, of Local Initiatives in New Galloway (LING), which has just taken over the building.

“People realise councils can no longer keep these buildings, and rather than see them lost, they are taking responsibility.”

The move paves the way for £300,000 of refurbishment works and a range of innovative new uses for the old town hall, hopefully for generations to come.

“It’s not about nostalgia or saving a building for its own sake,” adds Gordon.

“It’s about what can these historic buildings do to help the communities and places they are based in.”

 

Briefings

Makes no sense

This summer, the Scottish Parliament debated the growth of Scotland’s Men’s Shed movement. Not so much a debate as a long line of MSPs queuing up to praise their local sheds and the work of the umbrella body - SMSA - that supports the 200+ sheds around the country.  Their cost effective and highly effective contribution to the country’s health and wellbeing is beyond question and yet an inexplicable decision has been made to withdraw all core funding from SMSA as of March next year. If you agree that this makes no sense, you might like to sign this petition.

 

Author: SMSA

Petition to support Scottish Men’s Sheds Association in their campaign to be funded 

Please sign this very important petition – it takes less than a minute – to improve men’s health and wellbeing in Scotland.

With an alarming rise in suicide amongst Scottish men – 75% of the people who died by suicide in Scotland last year were male – and with already-stretched resources and reduced funding as demand for our services increases, the SMSA is lobbying for a directional change to ensure the charity is around to support future generations of Shedders and keep the spotlight on men’s health.

The SMSA pledges to continue making a real difference by empowering thousands of men (our sons, brothers, fathers, uncles and grandfathers) and their communities – over the coming years – to play their part in a system change towards a wellbeing economy.

By trailblazing this male health movement as we have from the beginning, we strive for social change to ultimately secure its future growth and the national statutory investment it rightly deserves.

Kinross and District Men’s Shed’s Chairman David Conner said: “The SMSA has been a wonderful support and a great centre of information and advice. Without the SMSA, it is safe to say, we and some other local Sheds would not exist without their help steering us in the right direction—through the obstacles and bureaucracy that is thrown at you especially when starting something new— and enabling us to become self-sufficient.”

 

Briefings

HIE praise

Much has been said about Scotland’s dysfunctional land market. Not least because of the fact that so much of our land is in the hands of so few. This matters because it ultimately determines much about our ability to tackle key issues such as the lack of affordable housing, health inequalities and the sustainable development of communities in the more remote parts of the country. There have been many calls for more state intervention in the land market and while HIE’s recent innovation is no game changer, it is nonetheless an important step forward and a recognition of where solutions lie.

 

Highlands and Islands Enterprise (HIE) has announced a new fund to support communities to register an early interest to be able to obtain first option to buy land or buildings being offered for sale.

HIE, which already administers the Scottish Land Fund across the country on behalf of Scottish Government, has developed the new Community Right to Buy Fund.

It will provide financial support for communities to utilise existing Community Right to Buy legislation in what has become a buoyant and fast-paced property market.

Research published earlier this year by the Scottish Land Commission shows that Scotland’s rural land market is experiencing exceptionally high demand, including buyers seeking to acquire rural land for its carbon and environmental potential. This growth in Scotland’s emerging natural capital market has contributed to higher land values and more off-market sales.

Nearly half of all Scottish rural estates purchased in 2021 were sold to corporate bodies, investment funds or charitable trusts. As a result, it is increasingly difficult for communities to participate in today’s land market.

The new fund will offer grants of up to £5,000 for up to 80% of the costs of engaging professional support to investigate the ownership and extent of a land holding.

It will enable communities to complete the application process to register an interest in acquiring land or buildings.

Importantly, should the land or building be offered for sale, it will give communities eight months to raise the purchase price, which is set by a valuer appointed by Scottish Government Ministers.

Stuart Black, chief executive of HIE, said: “Our new Community Right to Buy Fund will help communities across the Highlands and Islands register an interest in suitable land or buildings in advance of sale.

“Land and property acquired in this way could be used for housing or other community-led projects that play a vital role in retaining and attracting population and improving community resilience.

“They can also provide new opportunities for communities to generate income through initiatives such as renewable energy schemes and the emerging market in carbon sequestration.”

Communities will need to demonstrate to Scottish Ministers that their request to register an interest is in the public interest and that purchasing the land or building will enable further sustainable development. They’ll need to have an outline plan for how the asset will be used and how this will benefit the community.

Briefings

Go further and faster

The Scottish Government’s consultation on its new Agriculture Bill closes next Monday. The huge annual budget (£600m) makes this a rare opportunity for the Government to get much more bang for its buck when it comes to achieving its climate change and biodiversity targets. The Bill also has potentially important implications for other areas of policy interest - land reform and community wealth building. Some aspects of the Bill show real ambition, but in others the Scottish Government fails to go either far enough or fast enough.  In SCA’s response we’ll be arguing for much more rapid and radical change.

 

Author: SCA

Agriculture is a major contributor to Scotland’s greenhouse gas emissions, through methane, carbon dioxide and various nitrogenous gases, but the agricultural target in the updated Climate Change Plan of a 24% reduction between 2020 and 2032 is by far the smallest of all sectors of the economy. However, there is currently no credible path to achieve even this limited ambition: if the Agriculture Bill does not drive significant reductions the prospect of achieving net zero targets is very remote. As the Climate Change Committee’s 2021 Progress Report says “There is … an urgent need for post-CAP low-carbon agriculture policy. The Scottish Government will be introducing an Agriculture Bill in 2023, which will have to be sufficiently ambitious”: we do not consider that the current proposals meet that challenge.

Significant changes in emphasis are needed in three key areas:

  1.     Eligibility criteria must be more demanding: all payments must be contingent on delivery of outcomes relating to efficiencies, reducing greenhouse gas emissions and/or nature restoration and enhancement.
  2.     There should be much stronger focus on, and a greater share of the budget for innovation, skills training, emissions reduction and wider rural development projects.
  3.     There should be a more inclusive and balanced distribution of the budget between beneficiaries, with capping of subsidies for individual businesses and easier access for new entrants and small-scale producers.

Proposals to change land use to tackle climate change or restore nature are often opposed on the grounds of “food security”, but this is an appeal to fear that does not in any way reflect the reality of Scottish agri-business perpetuated by the current subsidy regime, which is very inefficient in terms of both food production and supply chain resilience:

  •   Most arable land grows barley and wheat for alcohol production and animal feed;
  •   Most of the rest of our agricultural land is used for extensive sheep and cattle grazing;
  •   The food supply chain is dominated by large scale processors and supermarkets.

Food security and supply chain resilience should be a focus of policy, however this will not be achieved by simply finding new pretexts for the same old subsidies, but by transforming to a low carbon food economy, with more local production, processing and retail.

Scotland’s climate ensures that we will never grow some foodstuffs, from bananas to coffee, but it is perfectly feasible to produce more of the food we can grow here, from pork to vegetables, whilst reducing the environmental impact and releasing land from production.

Changes in food production must be matched by changes in consumption to ensure that emissions are not off-shored, and a clear plan is needed to move towards healthy, low-carbon diets. This may not be within the scope of the Bill but the Scottish Government must assume a much more proactive role in this area.

 

 

Briefings

The future is BankHUB 

November 15, 2022

The justification for our banks moving off the High Street and onto our mobile phones and home computers, is that there is simply no demand for over the counter services. While that may be true for the majority of customers, there’s still a significant minority - small businesses and those who are digitally disadvantaged in various ways  - for whom it isn’t. Cambuslang Community Council weren’t content with what they saw happening, undertook some market research and became one of two Scottish test sites for the UK wide Community Access to Cash Pilot.  Out of which emerged an ingenious idea - the BankHUB.

 

Author: Community Council News

What happens when a town becomes unbanked? This was the challenge faced by Cambuslang in 2018 – the third largest town in South Lanarkshire, with a population of almost 29,000 – following the closures of all three bank branches in quick succession. Getting access to cash suddenly became harder, and the closures were a cause of substantial financial hardship for a significant minority of residents.

Many local businesses also experienced financial difficulties and had major problems with getting access to alternative banking facilities. Most experienced a loss of trade as local residents shopped less on Cambuslang Main Street, and the commercial viability of the town centre suffered, threatening to undermine a regeneration strategy for the town.

Cambuslang Community Council took the lead in advocating the restoration of a banking service. The community council carried out its own research and published a report on the consequences of branch closures which made headlines in the Scottish and  UK press, and its submission to a House of Commons inquiry led to the Scottish Affairs Committee launching its own report on access to cash in Cambuslang.

This evidence gathering enabled Cambuslang Community Council to apply successfully for Cambuslang to become a Community Access to Cash Pilot (CACP) in summer 2020. Cambuslang was one of nine pilots across the UK and one of just two in Scotland, each with the aim of implementing and testing different ways of improving access to cash in areas which had been affected by bank closures.

A working group of local community organisations, led by the Community Council, and a community survey of 1100 respondents showed an overwhelming demand for face-to-face banking services in Cambuslang. Working with the CACP team and the Post Office, the outcome of extensive discussion was development of the BankHUB concept. This involved the Post Office and the five banks with the most customers in Cambuslang offering their services in the same place for the first time. While the Post Office provides a daily over-the-counter service for cash deposit/withdrawal and bill payment, each of the five banks would offer account management services one day a week, taking it in turn to provide Cambuslang residents with access to additional banking services.

The Cambuslang BankHUB opened in April 2021 for a six-month pilot period and was an immediate success.

John Bachtler, Chair of Cambuslang Community Council, said:

“Very quickly, our BankHUB experienced high levels of use, with excellent customer assessments for the quality of service.

“The BankHUB has significantly improved local access to cash; people no longer have to travel to other towns for banking transactions and being able to conduct banking business on the Main Street has led people to spend more money in the town centre. Cash is being kept in the local economy and businesses are feeling the benefit.”

The lessons from Cambuslang, and a similar pilot in Rochford, have been recognised nationally, and the Community Access to Cash Review recommended replicating the model elsewhere. BankHUBs are now being slowly rolled out elsewhere, and Cambuslang Community Council is providing peer support to share its experience of improving access to cash with other towns and communities across the UK.

Briefings

Place Associations

The community based housing movement, mostly operating in and around Glasgow, is something of a paradox. Constantly producing great outcomes for its tenants and demonstrating beyond question the ability of communities to run a highly complex public service such as housing, at the same time they never quite manage to convince the powers that be, and specifically the Housing Regulator, that locally run, small scale housing providers should be the future of social housing. So it was particularly gratifying for them to see the independent Glasgow Place Commission give them such a ringing endorsement

 

Author: Scottish Housing News

The report of the Glasgow Place Commission has been warmly welcomed by the Glasgow and West of Scotland Forum of Housing Associations (GWSF) which said it is keen to highlight that in recommending the establishment of ‘Place Associations’, the report cites the city’s community-based housing associations as “one of Glasgow’s pre-eminent success stories”.

Published last month, the report says that community-based housing associations (CBHAs) are close to the people they serve, with tenants represented on their boards, and with a proven inheritance of good governance. But overall, it argues, Glasgow’s approach to placemaking has been patchy and unfocused and that the city “is not good enough at setting out the big picture or at mobilising the knowledge, skills and energy of communities”.

The report suggests that a ‘Glasgow Place Transfer’ could be considered, building on the outcomes from the housing stock transfer. A key recommendation is the development of a governance proposition for ‘Glasgow Place Associations’.

A further recommendation is to “examine the extent of stranded assets: property, buildings and land and positive public ‘goods’ where local authority resources are strained to the point that they can no longer be maintained properly and consider how these could be assembled into a place stock transfer with full public engagement”.

GWSF director David Bookbinder said: “This report is hugely welcome. The way in which community based housing associations have transformed so many of Glasgow’s communities sometimes seems to be overlooked or taken for granted, with few official documents and strategies acknowledging it. This report not only recognises it but says it’s a model that should be built on.

“We’ll be keen to be involved in discussions over whether new-style Place Associations would be an entirely new organisation or whether there could be scope in some areas for CBHAs to effectively take on the role with appropriate funding and other support.

“We think that one of the benefits the report could lead to is a more proactive strategy to promote the value of CBHAs and to emphasise the importance of preserving – wherever possible – the independence of any associations which may face temporary problems.

“When a CBHA is taken over by a larger regional or national housing association, its assets are removed from the community, and the anchor role that the CBHA had is also lost forever.

“Local housing associations in the city will keep their local offices open and carry on delivering with and for their communities – both as great landlords and through their community regeneration work. But we would be delighted to engage with Glasgow City Council to explore how we might further support the Place Commission’s ambitions. Terminology like ‘community empowerment’ came into use not so long ago but it’s been part of the DNA of our members for decades.”

Briefings

Enduring influence of vested interests

After the financial crash of 2008 when Iceland’s politicians and bankers were found to have been in cahoots with a number being subsequently jailed, there was a popular groundswell of support to draft a new constitution for the country that would specifically address the issue of powerful vested interests subverting democracy. Similarly encouraging signs of popular democratic renewal have been observed recently in Chile - a country not without its democratic challenges in the past. In both countries, despite massive popular support during the process, somehow those vested interests managed to cling on. Lessons to be learned.  

 

Author: THORVALDUR GYLFASON, Social Europe

With its rich and sometimes turbulent history, Chile is a beautiful country, whose economic and social performance in most respects surpasses that of its neighbours. Comparison with Argentina and Brazil is close to hand—together, these three countries cover two-thirds of Latin America.

In 1988, Gen Augusto Pinochet lost a referendum on his plan to continue as president of Chile. The army he led had seized power in 1973 from the democratic government of Salvador Allende. Pinochet respected the result and left office in 1990. At that time, Chile was poorer than Argentina or Brazil, measured in the per capita purchasing power of national income—now it is richer.

Not only that. Life expectancy at birth has reached 80 years, compared with 77 in Argentina and 76 in Brazil. Chile trades more openly with the rest of the world and has a more solid democratic system, with a more independent judiciary and less corruption, as international indices of democracy, the rule of law and corruption attest.

Nevertheless, the people of Chile carry heavy burdens from the past, including a constitution from the days of the military dictatorship. National income and wealth are unevenly distributed, although not so extremely as in Brazil.

Protests broke out in 2019, when one in five residents of the capital, Santiago, took to the streets, demanding justice as well as the resignation of the centre-right president, Sebastián Piñera. Thirty-six people were killed, thousands injured and thousands more arrested. The spark that lit the fire was a relatively minor increase in public-transport fares.

These events led the government to call a referendum in 2020, where voters were asked if they wanted a new constitution. The result was unequivocal: 78 per cent said yes.

The government held a special election in May 2021 to a 155-member Constitutional Convention. The understanding was that parti-pris members of parliament were not to draft the new constitution—no more than they were assigned that task in the United States back in 1787 or latterly in Iceland in 2010.

The convention did eventually approve a new constitution, which was put to a referendum last month. Guardians of the status quo had insisted that a two-thirds majority would be required for the draft to be submitted for popular endorsement—presumably hoping such a high threshold would prove unsurmountable. Yet, though that bar was passed, somewhat unexpectedly 62 per cent of voters rejected the constitution, which had been championed by the country’s recently-elected leftist president, Gabriel Boric, and the movement catapulting him to the presidency.

Outdated constitutions

Comparison with Iceland sheds light on events in Chile because of the partially similar background. Both countries have outdated constitutions. That for Chile was drawn up by a brutal junta in 1980, while Iceland’s 1944 version bears the hallmarks of that drawn up to suit the Danish king in 1849. Unsurprisingly, both nations desired an upgrade.

Social Europe is an independent publisher and we believe in freely available content. For this model to be sustainable, however, we depend on the solidarity of our readers. Become a Social Europe member for less than 5 Euro per month and help us produce more articles, podcasts and videos. Thank you very much for your support!

Both countries had their constitutional moments of protest, Chile in 2019 and Iceland in 2008. Then Icelanders took to the streets, banging pots and pans and demanding a proper accounting for the financial collapse which had taken place—and a new constitution. Both countries entrusted directly-elected representatives to do the work, not politicians.

But here the two parted ways. In Chile, political parties nevertheless immersed themselves in the election to the Constitutional Convention. By contrast, in Iceland in 2010 parties had little or no involvement in the Constitutional Assembly election—although six Supreme Court judges tried after the fact to invalidate it on grounds flimsy at best. Five had been appointed by ministers of justice of the Independence Party, an unyielding opponent of constitutional reform.

The Icelandic parliament reacted to the Supreme Court’s decision by appointing the 25 representatives elected to the assembly to a Constitutional Council, which deliberately placed itself outside and above the political arena and, therefore, could not be accused of being biased to right or left. The council in this respect followed a 2010 National Forum, where 950 representatives had been chosen at random from the national register. All adult Icelanders had an equal chance of being chosen to sit and make their voices heard. After its deliberations, supervised by domestic and foreign experts in collective intelligence, the forum concluded that Iceland needed a new constitution, with inter alia equal weighting of votes (‘one person, one vote’) and national ownership of natural resources, to sever the umbilical cord tying politicians to vessel-owning oligarchs.

Political factions

The Constitutional Convention in Chile did things differently. In keeping with how it came into being, the assembly split into political factions, with the left wing enjoying the upper hand. Afterwards, right-wing opponents of the agreed draft argued, partly correctly, that it was biased in favour of the left. This spelt trouble and had a lot to do with its defeat in the referendum. It did not help that the convention was widely perceived as having tried to accomplish too much by producing a draft that was too long, too detailed and too intrusive with 388 articles (compare the 114 articles in Iceland’s version).

In Iceland, the Constitutional Council managed in peace and quiet to draft a new constitution and approve it unanimously—no objections, no abstentions. No other constituent assembly has ever managed that. The council did not split into factions and during its four months of work in 2011 did not experience any significant attempts at interference by politicians or special-interest groups.

The Constitutional Convention in Chile could not do this because it was divided into factions aligned with parties in the National Congress. Right-wing opponents were thus able to characterise the draft as a left-wing manifesto, exploiting their control over powerful media before and after the referendum to do so.

Iceland’s new constitution is politically colour-blind, except perhaps that its preamble states: ‘We, the people of Iceland, wish to create a just society with equal opportunities for everyone.’ The remainder implements the ideal of constitutional impartiality: everyone gets to sit equally at the same democratic table.  

The new constitution was fully in line with the conclusions of the 2010 National Forum and enjoyed the loyal support of those who helped to compose it with thousands of written comments on the interactive website of the Constitutional Council. Ever since, opinion polls have shown a consistent two-thirds majority in its favour.

The president and the government of Chile responded to their referendum defeat by declaring that the will of the voters would of course be respected. Another attempt would have to be made to respect the will of 78 per cent of the voters in the 2020 referendum to have a new constitution. Chile will thus have to go back to square one.

Reasonable distance

I discussed the issue with Chile’s economy minister, Nicolás Grau, at an open session at Queen Mary University of London earlier this month. I hope the minister will have taken the message home that it is possible to attract voters to a new, forward-looking constitution if parties and special-interest groups are kept at a reasonable distance.

This matters. Prof Jon Elster of Columbia University, one of the world’s leading constitutional experts, describes the opponents of legitimate constitutional reform as sometimes thriving on ‘cheap access to natural resources, a skewed electoral system, unsound banking  practices, and corrupt politicians’—which sounds quite familiar to Icelandic ears. Both Chile and Iceland have a problem in this regard.

Elsewhere Elster writes: ‘Contrary to a traditional view, constitutions are rarely written in calm and reflective moments. Rather, because they tend to be written in periods of social unrest, constituent moments induce strong emotions and, frequently, violence.’ Perhaps enough calm will return to national life in Chile for the pressure for a new constitution to subside, so that for the time being Chileans will have to live with the 1980 version. That would please the remaining followers of the junta.

Iceland’s constitutional moment was the financial collapse, exposing the incompetence of the closely-connected business and political elites. Politicians were caught in bed with bankers, many of whom received prison sentences for multiple crash-related offences, accumulating a total of 88 man-years in prison. Humbled, the politicians lay low, going along with the people’s demand for a new constitution and keeping themselves at arm’s length.

Return to old ways

The unanimous acceptance of the new constitution in the Constitutional Council in 2011 was succeeded by 67 per cent support in the national referendum called by parliament ten years ago today. Yet parliament returned to its old ways by failing to ratify the new constitution. Politicians mustered the courage to disregard the result partly because the economic rescue orchestrated by the International Monetary Fund produced at first better and quicker results than expected—even if full recovery took the same eight to nine years as in most other countries. The politicians got away with their betrayal of the citizens. Left behind were disappointed voters as well as the many victims of the financial collapse.

Parliament has had a decade to make amends but there is still no sign of repentance or redress. It has thus relegated Iceland to the growing group of countries where democracy and decency are under stress, as documented by international indicators of democracy and transparency.

Perhaps it will take another collapse for Iceland to finally get the new constitution the voters chose in 2012. But it is never too late for parliaments to do the right thing.

Briefings

Care Blocks

As the machinations to create a new National Care Service continue, the reality is that most care work is carried out under the radar, mostly unpaid and rarely acknowledged as productive work. And because the burden of care falls disproportionately on women, it also serves to deepen gender inequality and excludes many women from engaging as fully as they might with what society has to offer.  Interesting experiment in the Columbian city of Bogota - instead of expecting carers to engage with the City, the City is taking its resources to the carer. Care Blocks -a 20 minute neighbourhood for carers?  

 

Author: Diana Rodríguez Franco, Secretary for Women's Affairs, City of Bogotá.

Of a female population of 4 million in Bogotá, 3.6 million carry out unpaid care work and 1.2 million do so full-time. That is 30% of the female population of the city whose lives have become dictated by their responsibility to care for loved ones.

Women’s critical contribution to the well-being of their families, and of society in general, has mostly been invisible, unrecognised, and unshared with other able-bodied members of their family. If such care work were paid, it would represent 13% of Bogotá’s GDP and 20% of Colombia’s GDP.

A study done by Bogotá’s Secretary of Women found that among full-time caregivers:

  • 70% do not have the opportunity to pursue secondary school.
  • 33% are deprived of free time for self-care.
  • 21% have diagnosed illnesses.
  • 90% are low-income.
  • 0% have economic autonomy.

Due to their role, caregivers cannot always travel far from home to attend to their personal and professional needs. The coronavirus pandemic has exacerbated these challenges for caregivers.

To address inequality in unpaid care, the government of Bogotá decided to bring the city and its services to caregivers and integrate these services into one space through Bogotá’s city-level CARE System—the first-ever in Latin America. Implementing this radical “ease-of-access” model required reorganising how the city was planned and operated to cater to the needs of the most invisible yet most critical parts of society’s fabric: women who do unpaid care for their families.

What are the components of the CARE System?

At the centre of the CARE system, CARE Blocks are areas where caregivers and those they care for can access city services. The CARE System’s main innovations are its ease of access and its simultaneous provision of services for caregivers and care-receivers. These services for caregivers are: i) Professional and skills training, ii) wellness promotion and iii) income-generating activities. Services for care-receivers include professional care and recreational activities.

CARE Blocks are located within a 15- to 20-minute walk for most potential users—often within an 800-metre vicinity—eliminating the need for cumbersome transit (Figure 1).

With the support of the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), we developed a prioritisation index to determine locations for CARE Blocks in the city. The index has the following variables: Demand for care (25%), Caregiver density (25%), Poverty (25%), Participatory budgets (25%).

Criteria such as availability of care equipment, existence of mobility megaprojects, prioritised projects in the Urban Master Plan, and land availability are also considered. The placements of the 45 Care Blocks proposed in the ‘2035 Bogotá Master Urban Plan’ are being studied by a group of researchers from New York University to ensure their optimal location and placement.

Since approximately 75% of Bogotá is rural with hard-to-reach areas and a shortage of public services, we created CARE Buses—the mobile version of the CARE Blocks. They use the same characterisation as the CARE Blocks and change their location up to every five months to offer access to as many people as possible.

For the 14% of full-time female caregivers who can access neither a CARE Block nor a CARE Bus because they can seldom leave their homes (due to the conditions of the persons they care for), Bogotá developed the CARE Home Delivery to provide services directly in the homes of caregivers.

As of July 2022, the CARE System has provided up to 160,000 services. We have operated 10 CARE Blocks across the city, having provided 138,907 services in the CARE Blocks, 11,988 services in the CARE Buses, 2,000 homes impacted in 3 programs for CARE Home Delivery, over 6,159 caregivers trained, and 6,827 persons trained in workshops for cultural change (SDMujer data).

The underlying factors of success of Bogotá’s CARE System

  1. Shifting community attitudes in the long run

Gender norms that assign unpaid care work to women are deeply rooted in Colombia. The CARE System cannot keep providing direct services to caregivers and care-receivers without seeking to transform the cultural biases that make this problem pervasive in the first place.

To achieve long-lasting societal change and a more equal share of the burden of care across genders, the CARE System includes a ‘CARE School for Men’. This provides courses for men and other members of the household, so they not only learn skills to manage household chores but also learn to appreciate and see care work as a meaningful and worthy responsibility.

  1. Cooperating with the private sector and international partners

To last, such an ambitious undertaking must be rooted in a vibrant network of committed partners across society. We built the CARE Alliance, a growing network of private sector actors to generate exchange and collaboration around the pedagogy of care and redistribution. The Alliance also catalyses action to reduce paid and unpaid care work, insert caregivers into the labour market, and ensure caregivers have a voice.

This network works jointly with NGOs, academia, and civil society organisers and leaders. Through the CARE Alliance, we have offered cultural transformation workshops at universities and private companies in Bogotá. We have also received in-kind support, such as Whirlpool donating washing machines and dryers for the first-ever public laundry facility in the city, placed in a CARE Block.

Finally, we have partnered with UN Women, the Government of Sweden, the Open Society Foundations (OSF), the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank, the UN Development Programme (UNDP), and UN ECLAC, among others, to define the operating and financing model, which allows refining the services to be offered, their costs, and develop a territorial model that considers the care needs of different segments of the population based on the locations the beneficiaries inhabit.

  1. Mainstreaming gender equity and the SDGs in urban planning

Bogotá’s incumbent Mayor Claudia López Hernández—the first woman to be elected mayor of Bogotá—has passionately advocated to transform Bogotá into a “caring city”. Before the end of her administration in 2023, the city plans to run 20 CARE Blocks, the CARE buses, and the CARE Home Delivery, to reach at least 1 million women.

The mayor’s priority is also to ensure that the CARE system remains beyond political cycles. In 2020, the legislative body of Bogotá approved the CARE System unanimously across political parties, budgeting it as part of the City Development Plan 2020-2024. Philanthropic resources and support strengthen the durability of the CARE System. This initiative received prizes from international stakeholders such as OSF ($1.3 million) to implement the piloting of the first 2 CARE Buses, the 2021 Bloomberg Global Mayors Challenge award ($1 million), and the Carter Center Transforming Lives Campaign ($50,000).

Additionally, the durability of the CARE system is reinforced by the alignment of Bogota’s long-term commitments to gender equity and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). For the first time, Bogotá’s 2021 Urban Master Plan includes and budgets for 45 CARE Blocks by 2035, reflecting a vision for an equitable and safe city for women and people in all their diversity.

The CARE System directly aims to achieve the SDGs to attain “gender equality and empower all women and girls” and to “recognise and value unpaid care and domestic work through the provision of public services, infrastructure and social protection policies, and the promotion of shared responsibility within the household and the family as nationally appropriate.”

Ultimately, the goal is to embed the CARE System so deeply in the city’s vision and systems of government that it becomes a permanent and essential part of Bogotá’s services regardless of the priorities of the future leaders of the city.

 

Briefings

Running short of patience

The relationship between government and civil society is complex and often nuanced. They both need each other but both have limits on how much they will tolerate their own interests being compromised by the other’s actions (or inaction). Such a point of divergence may be approaching around the ambition to transform our conventional GDP-centric economy into one which values our collective wellbeing. The Scottish Government has long trumpeted its founding role in the Wellbeing Economy Governments Partnership but the rhetoric is starting to falter. A long list of civil society voices, including ourselves, has just written to the First Minister.

 

Author: Wellbeing Economy Alliance

Dear First Minister

 

We are writing to you as a group of social and environmental justice NGOs, local authorities, grassroots community groups, faith groups, service providers, funders, economists, academics, think tanks and business leaders united in our belief that Scotland must urgently transition to a Wellbeing Economy. 

 

Many of us are firefighting to provide frontline support to those swept up in the rising tide of destitution. Others among us are trying to play our part in the transition to an economy that values people and the environment, for example, piloting new ways of providing for each other, running community energy projects and deploying alternative business models that contribute to our communities. Others are directly involved in efforts to restore nature and tackle poverty.

Too many people in Scotland are living in cold homes, skipping meals and falling behind on rent while Scotland’s 20 richest families own more wealth than 30 percent of the poorest citizens combined. In the most deprived 30% of Scottish areas life expectancy is falling. At the same time, there are growing fears that Scotland’s legal emissions reductions targets will be missed and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) recently warned that the world faces a “brief and rapidly closing window to secure a liveable future.” The IPCC also echoed our collective belief that GDP is a poor metric of human wellbeing. 

 

As a founding member of the Wellbeing Economy Governments partnership, Scotland has played an important role in building momentum for change among governments. We were pleased to see the aspiration to become a Wellbeing Economy contained within Scotland’s National Strategy for Economic Transformation. We also welcomed the publication of the first iteration of the Wellbeing Economy monitor, efforts to encourage fair work, support for community wealth building and the commitment to review how to increase the number of purposeful and democratic businesses in Scotland. And we are looking forward to seeing the recommendations of the Business Purpose Commission and Just Transition Commission being taken forward. These are steps in the right direction.

 

But we are writing to you today because we are concerned that progress isn’t happening fast enough to meet the very real and urgent challenges we face. To date, we have not seen substantive progress in redesigning our economy which continues to break planetary limits and create high levels of inequality. With its narrow focus on GDP growth, the National Strategy for Economic Transformation is grounded in the same logic that has delivered decades of poverty, inequality and environmental degradation. What is required now is a robust plan to put the wellbeing of people and nature at the heart of our economy.

 

Today we have published a joint statement on what we envision such a Wellbeing Economy to look like in Scotland, which will require actions from governments in both Westminster and Holyrood. 

 

As next steps on the journey to a Wellbeing Economy we ask you and the Scottish Government to use the powers at your disposal to:

Transform the National Performance Framework into a Wellbeing Framework and strengthen its power and reach.

  • In the short-term, this requires a comprehensive engagement process to underpin the review of the National Outcomes so the people of Scotland have a voice in shaping what the framework measures.
  • In the medium term, ensure the upcoming Wellbeing and Sustainable Development Bill puts the wellbeing framework on a stronger statutory footing to provide a clear vision for public bodies, bringing together and strengthening a range of duties to put collective wellbeing and environmental sustainability at the centre of decision-making. This should include enhanced support and scrutiny mechanisms, for example through the promised Future Generations’ Commissioner. The Scottish Government should also bring forward a clear outcome budgeting framework, evidencing how public spending delivers wellbeing outcomes.

Use devolved tax powers to share Scotland’s wealth more evenly and support public investment in a strong social safety net, universal basic services, fair public sector wages and environmental improvements needed for a Wellbeing Economy.

  • In the short-term, the next Budget should continue progressive moves to increase tax revenue more fairly and clearly set out both the distributional impacts of this and how revenue will be invested in areas that can help Scotland progress to a Wellbeing Economy. 
  • In the medium term, the Scottish Government should undertake wide-ranging public engagement to develop options to realise a fully progressive tax system, including more fundamental reforms to income tax rates and bands, a clear roadmap for reforming/replacing the regressive council tax, and options to utilise local tax powers.

Reshape the business environment in Scotland to facilitate a shift towards purposeful and democratic business practices that support collective wellbeing and environmental sustainability and do not profit from undermining either of them.

  • In the short-term, enterprise agencies and all public business support should prioritise purposeful and democratic business practices, including social enterprises, cooperatives and employee-owned enterprises, as recommended by the Business Purpose Commission. All projects to support entrepreneurship, innovation and start-ups delivered as a part of the National Strategy for Economic transformation should be focused on those businesses that can make the biggest contribution to a Wellbeing Economy and should be tailored to different rural and urban contexts.
  • In the medium-term, fair work conditions on public sector grants and contracts should be strengthened and extended to other dimensions of a Wellbeing Economy, including environmental aspects and democratic governance structures. Options should be developed for better incentivising purposeful business – for example, reforms to non-domestic rates and the introduction of environmental levies.

 

Scotland is full of hopeful and inspirational action that is putting the Wellbeing Economy thinking into practice. But transforming such actions into the economy we all need will require bolder action by the Scottish Government to set the direction of the economy, it requires a stronger infrastructure for participation in economic policy-making, ensuring that seldom heard voices are listened to, and it requires increased public investment into places, people and nature to deliver what really matters to people. 

 

We hope that you will consider our asks and we would be keen to meet to discuss this further. 

 

Signed by

 

Jimmy Paul, Director, Wellbeing Economy Alliance Scotland (WEAll)

Roz Foyer, STUC General Secretary

Sarah Davidson, Chief Executive, Carnegie UK
Philip Whyte, Director, IPPR Scotland

Peter Kelly, Director, Poverty Alliance

Theona Morrison, Chair of Scottish Rural Action

Neil McIntosh, Assistant Director, NSPCC Scotland

Mary Church, Head of Campaigns, Friends of the Earth Scotland

Darren McGarvey, activist, musician and Orwell Prize-winning author of Poverty Safari and The Social Distance Between Us

Sara Redmond, Chief Officer of Development, Health and Social Care Alliance Scotland (the ALLIANCE)

Tracey Dalling, Scottish Regional Secretary, UNISON Scotland

Nikki Slowey and Lisa Gallagher, Co-founders, Flexibility Works
Satwat Rehman, Chief Executive, One Parent Families Scotland
Osbert Lancaster, Director, Realise Earth Ltd
Simon Poole, Co-Founder & Chairman, Jerba Campervans

Amanda Burgauer, Executive Director, Common Weal
Philip Revell, Convenor, Scottish Communities Climate Action Network (SCCAN)

Elio Caccavale, Reader in Transdisciplinary Design Innovation, The Innovation School, The Glasgow School of Art

Clare Cooper, Co-Initiator, Bioregioning Tayside
Jamie Livingstone, Head of Oxfam Scotland

Tabitha Jayne, Founding Director, Earthself Community Interest Company
Ewan Aitken, CEO, Cyrenians
Gerry McCartney, Professor of Wellbeing Economy, University of Glasgow

Professor Tim Jackson, Professor of Sustainable Development and Director of the Centre for the Understanding of Sustainable Prosperity (CUSP)
Michael Cook, CEO, Circular Communities Scotland
Simon Farrell, Co-founder, Today the Arena, Programme Lead at Everyone’s Edinburgh Business for Good

Hana Shono, Convener, United Nations Association Scotland

Sarah Deas, Director, Sustainable Futures
Professor Gordon Hush, Head of The Innovation School, The Glasgow School of ArtGiles Ruck, Chief Executive Officer, Foundation Scotland
Fiona Garven, Director, Scottish Community Development Centre
Leah Black, Regenerative Futures Fund
Craig McCormack, Co-director, Greencity Wholefoods
Frances Guy, CEO, Scotland’s International Development Alliance
Carolyn Sawers, Chief Executive, Corra FoundationLiz Murray, Head of Scottish Campaigns, Global Justice Now
Dr Clementine Hill O’Connor, Research Fellow, School of Social and Political Sciences

University of Glasgow

Dr Karen Bell, Senior Lecturer Sustainable Development, University of Glasgow

Professor Michael Roy, Professor of Economic Sociology and Social Policy, Glasgow Caledonian University

Professor Mike Danson, Professor Emeritus of Enterprise Policy (Ollamh Poileasaidh Iomairt), School of Social Sciences, Heriot-Watt University and Chair, Basic Income Network Scotland

Professor Katherine Smith, Professor of Public Health Policy, School of Social Work & Social Policy, University of Strathclyde

Professor Daniel Wight, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow

Pauline Smith, Chief Executive, Development Trust Association Scotland (DTAS)

Professor Jaime L. Toney, Director of the Centre for Sustainable Solutions, University of Glasgow

Professor Sharon Simpson, Professor of Behavioural Sciences and Health, University of Glasgow

Lee Fitzpatrick, Managing Director, Zebra Growth

Professor Andrew Cumbers, Professor of Political Economy, Adam Smith Business School, University of Glasgow

Dr. Ewan Gibbs FRHS, Lecturer in Global Inequalities, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow

Professor Andrew Watterson, Emeritus Professor of Health, Stirling University
Emmy van Kleef, Managing Director, Mustardseed Trust
Annette Hastings, Professor of Urban Studies, University of Glasgow
Elizabeth Allen, Clerk of General Meeting For Scotland, Quakers in Scotland

Chris Martin, CEO, Social Enterprise Scotland 

Louise Scott, Co-founder and Co-director, Media Co-op 

Rowan Lear, Co-founder, The People’s Plot, Glasgow

Bonnie Clarke, CEO, Remarkable

Alfie Stirling, Chief Economist, New Economics Foundation
Euan Leitch, Chief Executive, SURF – Scotland’s Regeneration Forum

Miriam Brett, Advisory Board Member at Common Wealth and Research Fellow at Wellbeing Economy Alliance and Democracy Collaborative 

Laurie Macfarlane, Research Fellow, UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose

Dr Katherine Trebeck, co-founder WEAll global and WEAll Scotland
Dani Trudeau, Founding Director, Tribe Porty & Keystone Women
Kirsty Innes, Director, Kirsty Innes Marketing

Paul Kearns, Chair, Maturity Institute

Tom Morton, Convener, Cohousing Scotland

Frank Duffy, Founder, Code Division Ltd

Ailsa Raeburn,  Chair, Community Land Scotland

Dr Kirsten Jenkins, Lecturer in Energy, Environment and Society, Social and Political Sciences, University of Edinburgh

Meg Thomas, Head of Research, Policy and Participation, Includem

Dr Line Kikkenborg Christensen, Executive Director, Jubilee Scotland
Dr Judith Turbyne, CEO, Children in Scotland

Frazer Scott, CEO, Energy Action Scotland

Simon Anderson, Senior Fellow, International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED)
Rev Karen Hendry, Convener of the Faith Impact Forum, the Church of Scotland

Professor Jim Phillips, Professor of Economic and Social History, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow

Marsha Scott, Chief Executive, Scottish Women’s Aid

Catherine Cosgrove, Chairperson of Scottish Ecological Design Association 

Joanne McClelland, Founder, EALA Impacts CIC 

Professor Dave Reay, Chair in Carbon Management & Education, Executive Director of Edinburgh Climate Change Institute, University of Edinburgh, and Policy Director of ClimateXChange

Dr Svenja Meyerricks, Fellow, Centre for Human Ecology

Dr Dan O’Neill, Associate Professor in Ecological Economics, University of Leeds

Professor Laurence Moore, Director, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow

Angus Hardie, Director, Scottish Community Alliance 

Martin Avila, Group CEO, Community Enterprise in Scotland (CEIS)

Dr Tony Robertson, People’s Health Movement Scotland

Richard Murray, Trustee, Eco-Congregations Scotland
Zoi Kantounatou & Bruce Walker Co-founders, CFO and CEO, FutureX 

B.D. Owens, President, Scottish Artists Union

Neil Lovelock, Project Manager, Glasgow Eco Trust

Marie Ward, Chief Executive, Cranhill Development Trust
Pamela Candea, Director, The Surefoot Effect, CIC

Enough! Scotland
Terry McTernan, Project Lead, Darkwood Crew
Juliet Harris, Director, Together (Scottish Alliance for Children’s Rights)
Joanne McClelland, President, The Edinburgh Architecture Association

Reuben Chesters, Managing Director, Locavore CIC
Robbie Guillory, Director, Underline Literary Agency
Bridie Ashrowan, Chief Executive, Edinburgh Voluntary Organisations Council

Jason Schroeder, Chief Executive Officer, Scottish Men’s Sheds Association

Jill Kent, Chair of Justice & Peace Scotland

David Kelly, Director for Scotland, Community Transport Association

Donia M. Keith, Founder, LifeRoute

Jane Deary, Manager, Polbeth Community Hub

Alan McClouskey, Chief Executive, Voluntary Sector Gateway West Lothian

Mary Michel, Co-Founder, Ostrero

Sara Cowan, Coordinator, Scottish Women’s Budget Group

Janice Gibson, Plant (People Learning About Nature in Tayport)

Dermot O’Neill, Chief Executive, Scottish League of Credit Unions

Tara Wight, Scotland Policy and Campaigns Coordinator, Landworkers’ Alliance

Zoë Holliday, CEO, Community Energy Scotland

Carole Racionzer, Chair, Linlithgow Community Development Trust

Briefings

Mixed bag

Important moment last week with the publication of the latest draft of the fourth National Planning Framework. This is the high level, overarching point of reference for all planning decisions going forward and is an expression of where the Scottish Government’s planning priorities lie. On a quick inspection it seems strong on climate and biodiversity, lots of positive noises about moving towards the much vaunted wellbeing economy with an emphasis on community ownership and, the latest zeitgeist, community wealth building. On resolving the housing crisis, not so good - a clear victory signalled for the volume housebuilders. 

 

Author: Scottish Government

The National Planning Framework (NPF) is a long term plan for Scotland that sets out where development and infrastructure is needed. 

Scotland’s fourth National Planning Framework (NPF4) will be a long term plan looking to 2045 that will guide spatial development, set out national planning policies, designate national developments and highlight regional spatial priorities.

It will be part of the development plan, and so influence planning decisions across Scotland.

Background

The current National Planning Framework (NPF3)and Scottish Planning Policy (SPP), both published in 2014, will remain in place until NPF4 is adopted by Scottish Ministers. 

In 2020, we started work on the preparation of NPF4.

NPF4 will be different to NPF3. It will have increased status and be part of the statutory development plan, meaning that its policies will have a stronger role in day-to-day planning decision making.

NPF4 will incorporate updated Scottish Planning Policy which will contain detailed national policy on a number of planning topics. For the first time, spatial and thematic planning policies will be addressed in one place.