Briefings

Organically owned

February 13, 2013

<p>Last month, Local People Leading reported on the UK&rsquo;s first community owned farm &ndash; Fordhall Farm in Shropshire. &nbsp;Last night, plans to float Scotland&rsquo;s first such venture were laid out at a public meeting in West Linton. &nbsp; Renowned for championing all things organic, the owners of Whitmuir Farm have big plans to develop the farm as a kind of edible Eden Project of the north and the idea of community ownership fits their vision perfectly.</p> <p>13/02/13</p>

 

Pete Richie who runs Whitmuir Farm with his wife Heather, explains their rationale behind this decision to become community owned. 

First, to safeguard it as an organic farm and community resource into the future – we’re not getting any younger and our boys wouldn’t want to farm.  The farm will continue to be an open farm and to sell food to the farm shop.

Second, to raise capital to invest in developing the farm further, and reduce the amount that’s going to the bank.

Third, and most interestingly to develop an educational centre for sustainable food and farming, a sort of Edible Eden Project (though for 50,000 visitors rather than 1m a year).

The centre will  engage the public in the big questions about sustainable food in Scotland – Eg can we feed the 9 billion and do we all need to go vegetarian? Do we need GM? Can farming and wildlife go together? What do we grow locally and what’s in season?  Is it better for us?  Should we grow more of our own food? What does organic mean?

Currently the plan is to create 5 ‘trails’ – a nature trail with a ‘worm hole’ for meeting some of the creatures who make the soil work; a history trail telling the story of food and farming locally and posing questions about the future; a zero carbon, zero waste trail showing renewable energy generation, reusing food waste, how trees and grass lock up carbon etc; a grow your own trail taking people through the different community growing projects; and the centrepiece, a ‘one world greenhouse’.  This will include a growing space of half an acre (the amount of arable land on the planet divided by the number of people) and will get people thinking about what they would grow and eat if this was their own small planet.

We hope to develop and run the new centre in partnership with NGOs and academic institutions involved in sustainable food and farming, creating somewhere which offers something to the family out on a day trip, a secondary school from Edinburgh, the local primary school and the Masters in Food Security student.

How – we’ve set up a Community Benefit Society which is planning to launch a community share issue next month to raise up to £600,000. Anyone aged 5 or over can buy a share, and people can invest anything from £50 to £20,000 – but every shareholder gets one vote.  We’re aiming for 5,000 shareholders. We can’t promise a dividend, but people will be able to withdraw their money once a reserve has built up. 

To learn more about Whitmuir – The Organic Place click here.

 

Briefings

Private tenants fight back

<p>Whether or not the bedroom tax pushes people out of social housing into the private rented sector, with house prices far out of the reach of most would be first time buyers, it&rsquo;s inevitable that private landlords will continue to play a key role in the housing market. Although the sector is regulated, there seems to be plenty scope for rogue landlords to make tenants&rsquo; lives an absolute misery. &nbsp;It&rsquo;s no surprise then that private tenants are starting to organise themselves.</p> <div>13/02/13</div>

 

 

National Network for Change and Community 

RACHMANISM made it into the English dictionary at one point as a perfect word for rogue landlords.  Notorious Peter Rachman went on record  as someone who preyed on tenants, especially immigrants, in Notting Hill in the 1950s and 60s.  Similar behaviour has since been associated with some violence, extortion and anything else unsavoury about an unregulated private letting market.

You might find it hard to believe, but in elegant Edinburgh’s underbelly there is at least one 2013 Rachman-like landlord, alive and kicking, literally.  

This bully terrifies tenants with threats and intimidation of every kind.  Shotgun and death threats, doors kicked in, illegal entry, unlawful eviction and theft are just some of the authenticated stories  (recorded on tape) from private tenants that are enough to make a secure home-owner’s hair stand on end.  Not the norm, happily, nevertheless the worst end of what some say has been a landlords’ and letting agents’ market for too long. It’s an industry that a Member of the Scottish Parliament Marco Biagi says needs more ‘balance’.    

Liz Ely sums up some of the other pressures private tenants face:  “I’m on a low income so the idea of buying my own home is very unlikely,” says this 26-year-old charity worker.  I don’t mind renting, but I would like security where I live, somewhere affordable that I can really make my home instead of living with the constant pressure of short-term lets.  There are people who own multiple properties, don’t work, and make money from tenants on housing benefit or low-paid workers. Some don’t maintain their properties well and take a fairly cynical attitude towards tenants too, hiking rents continuously and insisting on short-term lets.  To me these are the real scroungers.  Landlords and letting agents need to be regulated, like everybody else.” 

A ROBIN HOOD band of brave private tenants have come together to support people like Liz. They are working hard to bring about more realistic regulation.  Edinburgh Private Tenant Action Group (EPTAG) is a mixed group of all ages and backgrounds that has already helped to achieve a tightening of legislation around unlawful deposits, a successful campaign that boosted both membership and street cred amongst their peers.  Members are articulate, assertive, organised, determined and just a tad radical.

Known to have picketed letting agents as sheriffs and detectives bearing witty billboards, conduct street surveys, door-knock and telephone campaigns and agitate online, they have vision and drive, with both shorter and long-term goals.  They are a credible example of how well organised community groups can initiate meaningful change to legislation for what is perceived by many to be a predatory culture.  Their successes are real, and growing. 

The group is currently actively campaigning to address fuel poverty, what is ‘heating or eating’ for some, fighting the prohibitive costs of home heating with well-researched plans for energy cooperatives that anyone could join.  Their website claims that private tenants are the most likely sector of society to experience “extreme fuel poverty” (defined as spending over 20% of income on energy).  They note that winter deaths in Scotland shoot up to over 2,000 per year for the over 65s. 

A lot more people would rent if their rights as tenants were more secure.  EPTAG member and composer Dmytro Morykit lives in a spacious Victorian flat with a floor-length window view of a stunning park.  A former home-owner, Dymtro says:  “When I owned a property, 15 years ago, it was such a stressful experience when it came to selling during a downturn that I decided to take a break.  Now I’m not convinced it will be good to buy for some time. However the letting culture is predatory more often than not.  The industry badly needs regulating.”   Another tenant who didn’t want to be named said:  “Due to insecurity of tenure and fear of rent increases, among other things, tenants have very little bargaining power when it comes to improving their own standard of living.

                                                            An angry backlash

SOME landlords and a lot of letting agents are not happy with the tightening up of fees reinforced by the Government in November last year.  On top of the only permissible charges of rent and deposits, additional charges for reference checks, credit checks and inventory fees have always been unlawful.  They are increasingly challenged in the small claims court, an action that EPTAG encourages. 

In a recent newspaper report, one firm of letting agents claimed that the changes had forced rent increases on landlords to claw back losses.  They said rents were spiralling.  Blatantly not true, says poet and activist Hazel Cameron:  “These charges have always been illegal and the government only clarified this.  There are few costs associated with doing a credit or reference check and certainly not in the hundreds of pounds charged by agents, this was a scam to rob vulnerable people. Putting rents up will not ensure that rents will be paid, people can only pay what is affordable and the rents currently charged are far too high and unaffordable. 

“Letting agents will have to wake up to basic economics, and those who do not will go out of business.  It’s about priorities, to live a nice lifestyle on the back of renting out houses, is not the same as the basic need to have a roof over your head.”

Pushing in Parliament for regulatory reform is MSP Marco Biagi (SNP) a member of the Cross Party committee on Housing and a strong supporter of EPTAG.  He says:  “Experience from other countries in Europe shows that healthy and functioning private rented sectors are possible on scales even larger than our own, and that they are compatible with fundamentally much more equitable societies than our own as well. 

He notes that the recession has deepened ‘the underlying trend for a decade’ – that more and more people are renting.  He quotes the Joseph Rowntree Foundation’s ‘authoritative estimate that the number of people under 30 across the UK renting from private landlords will almost triple by 2020 to 3.7 million.”

For EPTAG strengthened enforcement is now the next step and, despite their inexperience,  an increasing number of university students liaise with the group as they pursue their right to reclaim illegal fees.  One young couple has just won a mediated settlement for under £80 and a reprimand from court advisors for initiating such a small claim.    Some advice is available via advisory services like Shelter, Citizens Advice Bureau and the council’s Advice Shop.  Edinburgh University Students’ Association The Advice Place is also well-known for its support.  EPTAG plans to strengthen the services with better advice in the future on how to use the courts.  

                                                The hospitality city

EDINBURGH’s fame as a city of hospitality is being damaged by a letting market that sometimes preys on international students, relying on their ignorance about protocol and expectations.  An established scholar in her field and with adjunct faculty appointments in universities in New York and Colorado, American PhD scholarship student in ethical decision-making and interpreting , Robyn Dean highlights their vulnerability:  “Things are done so differently here,” she says.  “Moving to and living in another country, you want to be respectful for how things are done; you trust that people will behave in upstanding ways. But when it becomes clear that on the contrary charges that are required of you are actually illegal, you have to stand up for yourself.”  Robyn is currently preparing a legal case to regain illegally charged fees. 

Liz Ely says:  “EPTAG is a position to make a real difference. I want to be part of building a country where private tenants are able to feel secure in affordable housing. The fact that we won the campaign on letting agency fees was a real victory, and I think we will be able to have many more in the future as MSPs realise that this is an urgent issue for a large number of people.”

The Scottish Government has recently (January 16th) published a consultation ‘Better Dispute Resolution in Housing’ with a view to setting up a new Housing Panel.  Responses are invited with the consultation is due to close on April 9th.  You can find the publication here:  http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Publications/2013/01/6589 and responses can be returned to: HousingPanelConsultation@scotland.gsi.gov.uk 

Briefings

Food banks and Big Society

<p>There have been lots of nails hammered into Big Society&rsquo;s coffin but the recent statement by No. 10 that the rapid expansion of food banks across the UK is an excellent illustration of what Big Society is all about must surely be the last. With the number of food bank visits estimated to double in the next twelve months as changes to the welfare system take effect, it was a revealing and depressing insight into the Government&rsquo;s current thinking.</p> <div>13/02/13</div>

 

 

Juliette Jowit, Guardian

Downing Street has risked causing widespread offence by claiming there should be no need for food banks because benefit payments are high enough to pay for such essentials.

Sources at No 10 made their comments after the prime minister, David Cameron, told MPs he was planning to visit a food bank in his constituency – a move almost forced on him by weeks of Labour taunting on the issue.

Speaking after Cameron’s announcement at the weekly prime minister’s questions session in the House of Commons, a source said food banks were to be welcomed as an example of “the big society”.

But she added: “Benefit levels are set at a level where people can afford to eat. If people have short-term shortages, where they feel they need a bit of extra food, then of course food banks are the right place for that. But benefits are not set at such a low level that people can’t eat.”

The comments are likely to provoke outrage among opposition MPs and poverty campaigners, especially with the government undertaking widespread benefit cuts at a time when prices are rising faster than the economy.

The Trussell Trust, the UK’s leading food bank distribution charity, estimates that in the year 2011-12 food banks fed 128,687 people in the UK and it forecasts that will rise to more than 230,000 during this year.

“Every day people in the UK go hungry for reasons ranging from redundancy to receiving an unexpected bill on a low income,” says the charity’s website. “Rising costs of food and fuel combined with static income, high unemployment and changes to benefits are causing more and more people to come to food banks for help.”

The Labour leader, Ed Miliband, used his questions at PMQs to attack the government’s economic record after figures this week showed that following a return to growth last summer the economy shrank again in the final three months of last year, by 0.3%. If there is another quarter of falling growth, the UK economy will have entered a triple-dip recession.

“On his watch, because of his decisions, we have the slowest recovery for 100 years,” said Miliband, who claimed UK economic growth was the 18th slowest of the 20 biggest world economies, and again urged the coalition to rethink its cuts and austerity programme.

Cameron countered that the government was cutting corporation tax, investing in enterprise zones, and had presided over the creation of 1m apprenticeships and 1m new private sector jobs, adding: “But do we need to do more to get banks lending and business investing? Of course we do, and under this government we will.”

He added: “If you listen to the EU, the OECD or the IMF, they will point out Britain will have the fastest growth of the major European economies this year.”

The prime minister criticised Labour for not regulating the banks and building up debt during its time in office.

 

 

Briefings

Digitally disconnected

<p>Community councils must be wondering what the future holds for them. &nbsp;With no umbrella body to provide any kind of national leadership, Scotland&rsquo;s 1300 community councils find themselves in a very difficult position -individually isolated and largely excluded from important national conversations about the future of local democracy. A recent Government report recommended they should concentrate on their digital connections. Newly published research suggests that was more in forlorn hope than expectation.</p> <p>13/02/13</p>

 

 

National Network for Change and Community

NEW data gathered by two academics blows the lid off any claim that community councils are getting to grips with the digital age.

A staggeringly small number of the more than 1300 community councils (CCs) in Scotland have been found to have an up-to-date online presence.  It’s not one half, one third or even one quarter, but just over one fifth who are regularly reaching out to their communities and each other via the net. 

Even these figures refine further still.  Of the mere 22 per cent online and up-to-date, most of these talk directly to citizens in a one-way conversation.  Possibly only 10 per cent of the 22 per cent use social media to host online discussion and opinion gathering.  And the most disappointing and shocking revelation of all for those who had hoped for more citizen engagement via CCs in planning matters – only four per cent of CCs have easily accessible online planning content. 

These startling figures come in a report called Community Councils Online, published in late 2012 and researched by a Napier University MSc student in Information Systems Development, Bruce Ryan, supported by Research Fellow Peter Cruickshank.  It’s a rich and comprehensive source of information about CC behaviour online.  

Working out of Napier’s Institute for Informatics and Digital Innovation, Bruce and Peter have brought an eclectic mix of experience and interests to the task. Apart from their IT specialism at the Centre for Social Informatics, between them they have an interest in and understanding of local democracy online and some experience of community council activity.  Freelance educational publisher and MSc student Bruce was a community councillor in St Andrews seven years ago, while Peter is on the program committees of several international e-democracy conferences.   

The 21-page report is a mixture of data, background information, summaries, conclusions and some recommendations and it makes interesting reading. While admitting that the unfunded research is merely a snapshot of CCs online, it notes confidently enough that the low level of use and ambition is ‘disappointing’.  It encourages widening the scope of further interviews, investigating why so many CCs aren’t online and looking for the meanings behind the data.  The report makes some tentative recommendations about a way forward (pages 14-17). 

MOST significantly the report concludes that generally online presences are not used for the primary function of CCs – that of ascertaining opinions of people in their communities.  This fundamental activity is done by more traditional methods like newsletters, meetings, emails, ‘contact us’ buttons and follow-up private forums and discussions.  A third of ‘active’ CCs don’t even appear to communicate by email.  

Yet the report points the way to a potential that could be realised much more effectively, providing a glimpse of a future that could be very different.   

Before that however, the facts about what’s happening now.  A relatively small number, just over 200 CCs in Scotland, aren’t active at all and this dearth of potential local democracy is most common in North and South Lanarkshire and West Dunbartonshire (more than half in each area). 

Significantly, there are almost 500 CCs in Scotland that are active, sometimes vibrantly so, but not choosing to be online.  These are mostly in East Ayrshire, the Western Isles and Shetland (over 70 per cent in each case).  

The areas of Edinburgh, Inverclyde, Moray, Dundee, East Renfrewshire, Falkirk and Orkney were all 100 per cent engaged with digital media, although a significant number were out of date.  

Of the 700 CCs Scotland-wide active and online, less than half were current.  Interviews suggested that CC-run sites were often maintained by just one community councillor, with generally very little provision evident for back-up and succession planning.  Under these circumstances, it’s clear that groups often start off with good intentions, but struggle to sustain the monthly work required to keep the sites fresh and comprehensive.  The report notes that attracting CCllrs with online interests and abilities appears to be a ‘matter of luck’.  

Some inclusions pull no punches – a comment from one investigating body, the Jimmy Reid Foundation (JRF), laments the average annual CC annual budget of a mere £400, noting that this matches their “near zero powers and near zero number of contested elections”.  

More generally, the report provides a brief background to the origin of CCs and their historical relationship with their Local Authorities (LAs).  The communication link between the two, the CC liaison officer is mentioned, along with a recent Scottish government recommendation that they should have “suitable seniority  . . .  to ensure that both the CC work and working relationship is suitably progressed at LA level”.  The Network notes that this one sentence in itself points to a whole further area of research and investigation that could be followed through.  

Recent and current reviews of CC and related activity, like the Short Life Working Group (2012) and the Community Empowerment and Renewal Bill (2012) are mentioned. 

Some attention is given to the recommendations for change from both the pressure group Reform Scotland and the Jimmy Reid Foundation, including calling for more devolved powers for CCs and taking advantage of IT advances to increase efficiency and effectiveness.  You can read about how the data was collected on page eight of the report.  

Seeking a suitable area of investigation for an MSc thesis, Bruce says he knew that looking into CCs and their relationship to their audiences and each other online could be a rich and fruitful area of focus.  “This has been a very revealing study,” he says.  “There is a lot more that could be investigated here, both personally and professionally.  I’ve become interested in how equivalent or similar tiers of local democracy work in countries such as Austria, Germany and Norway.  Some levels operate well in remote rural communities, some are supported by a combination of federal and local taxes, and the Austrian Gemeinden (parishes) even have offices in Brussels.”

Coming from a background in business, accountancy, IS Audit and information security Peter has a keen interest in e-democracy and online security at both national and international levels.  “I’m interested in how online communication complements other forms of political dialogue,” he says.  “This is a matter of interest to all governments, and to communities at every level.  There is so much more we could be achieving.”   

A copy of the full report can be accessed here

 

Briefings

Need to change the script

<p>Much of the debate around how communities can become more resilient does so in the context of an increasingly acrimonious relationship with the local authority - as the state retreats and withdraws support, communities are left exposed, vulnerable and left to fend for themselves. &nbsp;Mandeep Hothi of the Young Foundation argues that this is entirely counterproductive and suggests a radically different approach is needed by the state when working with communities. &nbsp;He cites the example of Roquetes in Barcelona.</p> <p>13/2/13</p>

 

Mandeep Hothi is programme leader at the Young Foundation.

Community resilience is not about withdrawing public services, but changing the way the state works with local communities

Many people seem to view the word resilience with suspicion. The word, which values people’s ability to bounce back and to cope with life’s challenges, can seem crude and unforgiving when used by the state in an age of austerity. It appears to shift greater responsibility onto communities and individuals at precisely the time when public sector cuts are reducing the number of local services. Some communities will be facing the closure of local industries at a time when employment support services seem to be dwindling. Undoubtedly the self help mantra at a time of high need will test the strength of fragile communities.

Nevertheless, the idea of resilience does not mean the absence of the state. On the contrary, it requires the state to be active in finding and promoting community-led resilience initiatives. In fact, resilience can be a useful guiding principle to develop a better working relationship between the state and the communities with which they work.

There is a danger that the term community resilience is absorbed into questions about individual versus state responsibility without widespread understanding of what the it means. The Young Foundation’s understanding of resilience is that neighbours, communities and community groups can and do respond spontaneously to vulnerabilities in their local areas. Research points to a link between strong social networks and feelings of belonging, community cohesion and the extent to which individuals are willing to intervene if they witness problem behaviour.

I recently visited a neighbourhood in Barcelona with the view to identifying the ingredients that contribute to community resilience. Roquetes, with its winding streets and hilltop views resembles a favela. There I visited a local neighbourhood committee. What I saw were individuals who had come together to respond to emerging problems, such as threatening behaviour towards new migrants, in their neighbourhood. These individuals also formed strong networks within their community. The strength of a social network is a key factor in community resilience. Support systems that can be tapped into if problems arise are necessary, for example borrowing money from your neighbour or sharing child care responsibilities.

There is value in the immediate responses that result from socially connected communities. But organic approaches are susceptible to disappearing. Individuals and community groups may move on, experience volunteer burnout or are under-resourced.

The case of Roquetes showed that there is a role to be played by statutory organisations to help create social networks and resource innovative local responses. This neighbourhood had a history of self-organisation. In the early 1960’s, migrants from the south of Spain had built the houses and infrastructure themselves. Traditionally, residents had been viewed antagonistic towards the district council. However, in recent years the council and the locally elected leader for the neighbourhood association have been working together to help manage the increase in evictions.

Community resilience is not necessarily about withdrawing public services, but more about changing the way public services work with local communities. A recent report, ‘Turning strangers into neighbours’ published by the RSA as part of the Plugging the Gap series, makes this point. Strengthening local networks and social connections can include promoting clean-up days or connecting expectant mums with other new mothers in the area. Local public service providers can provide the space for informal, and sometimes anarchic, networks to emerge and take shape, welcome creative responses, and support responses that are effective. Taking these personal safety nets into account places as much emphasis on what assets exist, as the more traditional lenses tend to focus on deprivations.

However, the danger is that messy though innovative local initiatives may not fit readily into existing commissioning and performance management frameworks. Terms like ‘strategy’, ‘milestones’ and ‘commissioning’ may put off a local mother who is looking for a community space to share skills with other mothers. A resilience lens is not about withdrawal of local services but it does place an obligation on providers to think differently about how they work with local communities.

 

Briefings

Alliance for Action

<p>As the regeneration industry settles down and adjusts to a new world of triple-dip recessions and austerity, and the multi-million pound budgets of the URCs become a thing of the past, we can expect to see much more from the &lsquo;make do and mend&rsquo; school of regeneration. Smaller in scale, locally led and hopefully producing more creative outcomes. &nbsp;Following up on some of the lessons drawn from its recent work in Govan and Gallatown, SURF is proposing to launch an Alliance for Action in both communities.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">13/2/13</p>

 

From ‘Reality, Resources, Resilience’ into an Alliance for Action

In its role as Scotland’s independent regeneration network, SURF delivered a progressive programme of interactive engagements, events and debates over 2011-12. This targeted activity series was supported by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) and the Scottish Government. 

This participative study focused on two contrasting case study areas: the communities of Govan in Glasgow and Gallatown in Kirkcaldy. The objectives of the investigation were to:

examine the impact of the recession on disadvantaged people and communities;

highlight examples of ameliorative responses;

disseminate learning with the purpose of informing policy and practice in future community regeneration and anti-poverty efforts;

strengthen the exchange of knowledge and experience by facilitating increased dialogue across academic, policy and practice fields;

support cross-sector consideration of the options for more sustainable community regeneration policy and practice in the changed economic context.

The main themes and examples emerging from this programme were presented in a ‘Reality, Resources, Resilience’ report published by the JRF as a SURF-authored Programme Paper on 23 January 2013. This report is available on the JRF website at the following link:

www.jrf.org.uk/publications/reality-resources-resilience

Forming an Alliance for Action

Over the course of the above RRR programme, SURF experienced a striking degree of enthusiasm for practical action from a wide range of local and national partners. This has encouraged the organisation to develop an ‘Alliance for Action’, focused on the same two case study communities of Govan and Gallatown.

The proposed alliance will be built on the individuals, networks and connections SURF identified and fostered in the course of the initial RRR study. Its specific dual purpose would be:

to further strengthen resilience and practical outcomes in the two communities; 

to enhance wider policy and resource considerations for supporting community regeneration in the continuing recessionary context.  

With support from the Scottish Government, Resilient Scotland Ltd and other partner organisations, SURF will be taking responsibility for coordinated programme of activities and events over 2013-15 including:

Establishing, supporting and developing an interactive network linking partner organisations that have policies and resources dedicated to supporting community led regeneration;

Showcasing successful approaches and the availability of support for community led regeneration;

Convening a series of participative open forum events to raise awareness and debate learning from the work of the Alliance with colleagues across all sectors and geographies;

Organising accessible and productively programmed study visits to successful projects and participating organisations; 

Facilitating a series of focused discussions of the policy implications, involving relevant key policy-makers, practitioners and academics;

Linking policy development debate with the practical experience of local initiatives and academic research capacities via a ‘SURF APPP’ (academic, policy & practitioner panel);

Broadening the accumulated learning and debate onto an international scale via cross border policy/practice exchanges.

 

The formal national launch of the SURF Alliance for Action will take place at the 2013 SURF Annual Conference in the late summer. Please sign up for SURF’s email newsletter at the link below to receive more information about the programme, or keep up-to-date by visiting the website.

SURF newsletter: http://tinyurl.com/surfnewsletter 

SURF website: www.scotregen.co.uk 

Meantime, anyone interested in learning more about the SURF Alliance for Action at this stage is welcome to contact SURF Chief Executive Andy Milne on andymilne@scotregen.co.uk.

 

Briefings

Banks that provide public benefit

<p>In 1919 a banking innovation occurred simultaneously on both sides of the Atlantic. Unconnected to each other but with the same purpose - to serve a geographically focused local economy. &nbsp;The one in the UK (set up by Birmingham Corporation) was latterly consumed by a larger bank in 1976, but the one in America still thrives and is now the envy of states across the US. &nbsp;It looks like the full circle may have turned - the era of &lsquo;Council Banks&rsquo; is back on the agenda.</p> <p>13/02/13</p>

 

 

David Boyle 13th January 2013 

The year 1919 saw the Treaty of Versailles, the Amritsar Massacre and the death of Rosa Luxembourg. It was also the year when, on both sides of the Atlantic, local government decided they could benefit their areas by starting banks. That was when Birmingham Corporation’s very own bank was established by act of Parliament.

The Birmingham Municipal Savings Bank (pictured) was the brainchild of Neville Chamberlain when he was lord mayor. It grew to have 66 branches across the city, before it was subsumed into the Trustee Savings Bank in 1976.

The very same year was when the state of North Dakota decided to launch their own bank, in order to recycle their reserves into productive local investments.

The Bank of North Dakota buys into loans made by other local banks to local business, designed to make local savings go a bit further. It now has a technical term – ‘Partnership Banking’.

After almost a century of obscurity, the Bank of North Dakota is being talked about again in think-tank circles, where they have been looking for a solution to what is being seen in the USA as the core problem of the banking crisis.

This is not a problem of too little money. There are huge sums of money in the system, after all. But, say the local bank advocates, there are not enough institutions capable of lending it productively, in the way that small regional banks were originally designed to.

North Dakota’s bank has always made a profit for its political masters and, perhaps for this reason, North Dakota is one of the only overstretched US states with a balance sheet in the black.

It also explains the sudden obsession with banking in US local government. Cities all over the nation are passing ‘responsible banking ordinances’ to force the banks where they keep their money to lend more locally. Both New York City and Los Angeles are signed up already.

Seven cities in New York State alone have taken their funds from JP Morgan Chase and put them in local banks. States like New Mexico are going the same way.

This isn’t really an option for local authorities in the UK because local banking has all but disappeared. Most of their combined budget – £122bn a year for English councils alone – is still sitting unproductively in the virtual vaults of the big banks.

Some local authorities, including Hackney for example, have shifted their money slowly into the Co-operative Bank, which is now doing some business – though not necessarily a great deal – for about a third of local authorities.

Thanks to a clause in the hard-fought Financial Services Bill last year, the new financial regulator will now ‘have regard’ to the diversity of the UK banking market – so more competitors may now be on the way.

The arrival of Handelsbanken and Burnley’s Bank of Dave, not to mention the new Grameen Foundation Scotland, are the first signs of new competition for the handful of big banks in the UK.

But it is all very slow. That is why more people here are looking at the Bank of North Dakota.

The first local authority to put a toe into the banking water was Essex, which launched their Banking on Essex bank together with Santander in 2009. They closed it again 18 months later after only managing 20 loans and two overdrafts.

There were hard-fought debates in other councils at that time. Birmingham’s mayor Michael Wilkes championed the idea of a new version of Chamberlain’s municipal bank, but objections from backbench Conservative councillors meant that plans were shelved.

It is true that setting up a bank from scratch in the UK is an onerous business, which is why the handful of new banks in the UK – from Metro to Virgin Money – have bought an existing bank to avoid having to get a new banking licence.

Even so, getting through the tortuous regulatory process can cost over £30m, even before you have designed and built your own back office IT system – and gathered enough money for your reserves.

Or laboriously won approval for all your board members and senior staff.

Birmingham’s council officers came up with estimated costs as high as £200m and, as a result, managed to scotch the plans. Banking on Essex cost less than £400,000 but then they were doing little more than sticking a label which said ‘Essex’ on a bank that was actually Santander.

But, last June, Cambridgeshire County Council seems to have succeeded in breaking the pattern. Their pension fund linked up with the endowment fund run by Trinity Hall, one of the wealthier Cambridge colleges, to launch the Cambridge & Counties Bank. It has plans to lend more than £100m to small businesses over the next four years.

The pension fund alone has deep pockets (about £1.6bn), and they are confident that they can invest effectively in the small business market.

This is the key question. The big banks missed their lending targets under the government’s controversial Project Merlin, which seems to have shifted attitudes inside the government to opening up the local banking market.

If the banks are correct, and there is little demand for small business lending, then the new bank – and others like it – will find themselves called upon to fund the dodgy rejects of the big banks.

If, on the other hand, the banks are wrong, and their failures are really because they no longer understand local markets – now that decisions tend to be taken at regional level using risk software – then there is a real business opportunity here.

The new Cambridge bank avoided the problems of extracting a new banking licence from the regulator by acquiring the Pensions Bank in Leicester.

By the end of last year, chief executive Gary Wilkinson was claiming that they were on target for both loans and deposits, and revealed research that small businesses across the UK had 47,777 overdraft and loan applications rejected last year, worth as much as £2.5bn.

There is the opportunity, if it can be grasped. But there are few local authorities so far daring to grasp it.

One local bank project in Hampshire is currently talking to local authorities, but has yet to raise the development finance it needs to launch their regulatory bid.

They are organising a local banking conference called Ecobate 2013 (European conference on banking and the economy) at Winchester Guildhall, and with business secretary Vince Cable as the keynote speaker, on 6 March.

Rather than starting new banks, local government leaders are looking at ways councils can raise infrastructure funds for themselves. Collective agencies – allowing councils to borrow funds from bonds markets – have been operating in Scandinavian countries for decades, and are under development in France and under consideration in Germany and Australia.

These don’t increase total borrowing, but they do mean that councils can raise funds from pension fund investors. A project team, led by City of London councillor Edward Lord, is looking at whether similar arrangements could be developed in the UK.

The idea of local government using its money for useful investment is not new – Birmingham showed the way back in 1919. Many local authorities used reserves to provide mortgages for key staff well into the 1970s.

But the prospect of a Bank-of-Our-Friends-in-the-North horrifies some of the more conservative elements in Whitehall. Yet attitudes are beginning to change, as officials look across the Channel and see the healthy ecology of banks at every level – which the UK has now lacked for two generations.

If Cambridge and Counties Bank thrives, then the twin benefits of public sector profits and providing an effective lending infrastructure may be too much to resist.

David Boyle is a fellow of the New Economics Foundation and the author of The Human Element.

 

Briefings

Predictable but shocking behaviour

January 30, 2013

<p>The lack of sustained public outrage at the latest scandal involving the behaviour of bankers &ndash; the illegal fixing of libor interest rates &ndash; reflects growing banker-fatigue. &nbsp;It seems they are impervious to criticism, and irrespective of how negative their public image becomes, they carry on regardless. &nbsp;The recent behaviour of Lloyds TSB being a case in point. &nbsp;Amazing what a team of expensive lawyers and no compunction about breaking promises can get you.</p> <div>30/01/13</div>

 

Predictable but shocking behaviour 

Ron Ferguson, The Scottish Review

Here is a parable of our times. It tells us a great deal. The story begins in 1799, when a Scottish minister moved to the parish of Ruthwell in Dumfriesshire. The Rev Henry Duncan, a man of large compassion, was appalled by the poverty he saw around about him. He was determined to do something about it. But where to start? He used his own money to buy flax for women to spin at home, and thereby make a living. He also engaged local unemployed men to turn the manse glebe into a model farm. 

Realising that other financial support was needed if indigent families were to be kept out of the poor house, he revived the local Friendly Society, which provided loans to support families in need. In 1810, he persuaded the Earl of Mansfield to donate a derelict cottage to the Friendly Society; thus was born the savings bank movement. Poor people were enabled to build up savings accounts and get loans, which would in turn fund cottage industries. 

Henry Drummond’s great idea inspired not just people in Scotland, but much further afield. The savings bank movement spread to nearly 100 countries. It was this movement that gave birth to the Trustee Savings Bank.

Fast forward to 1986. Still working in the spirit of Henry Drummond, the Trustee Savings Bank group set up four independent charitable foundations in the UK to distribute 1% of pre-tax profits. A Deed of Covenant was established to put the agreement on a legal footing. When the TSB and Lloyds Bank merged, although Lloyds was the bigger player, TSB took over Lloyds and thus the covenant continued. The banking group had no choice other than to accept what was already in place. (The banking group and the charitable foundations operate at ‘arms length’; at no time has the banking group run the foundations. The Lloyds TSB Foundation of Scotland is not simply the charitable arm of the bank – though the banking group itself has benefited from the public relations bonus it has received because of the foundation’s charitable work.)

Because of the size of the banking group, the funds available to the charitable foundations multiplied. Over more than a decade, the Lloyds TSB Foundation for Scotland has received more than £82 million from the Lloyds TSB banking group. The importance of these funds for the voluntary sector in Scotland can hardly be over estimated. The Scottish foundation has helped fund numerous projects up and down the country – projects which have, among other things, helped to alleviate the damaging effects of poverty in Scotland, assisted people in need of support and advice, promoted the arts and sport in grassroots communities and supported pioneering projects that seek to address the problems of alcohol and drugs addiction.

I saw the Scottish foundation’s work at close hand when I was a trustee for six years. I was deeply impressed by the transparency of its processes and the skills and commitment of its staff, now under the fine leadership of chief executive Mary Craig. The presence of the trustees, who receive no payment, means that the overall working of the foundation is constantly under examination. I was very impressed by the fact that the foundation held surgeries up and down Scotland at which they taught community groups how to apply for grants. I also learned that because of its thorough scrutiny of all applications, a grant from the Lloyds TSB Foundation could trigger other successful grant applications.

I was aware when I was a trustee that there were sometimes tensions between the bank and the foundation. Some people at the top of the banking group looked with envy at the money which was being passed on to the foundation every year. There was pressure to pay awards into Lloyds TSB bank accounts and for the bank’s marketing team to follow through on any potential opportunity there might be for business. 

Fast forward to 2009. The global financial crisis, triggered by – among other things – the avarice and negligence of big bankers, started to hit home, creating misery for many families. The Lloyds Banking Group in London saw the crisis as an opportunity to renegotiate the covenant in their favour; they sought to reduce the covenanted share of profits by 50%. 

The other three foundations agreed to the change – from next year they will receive only 0.5% of the profits. The Scottish foundation refused to accept the reduction. They won a legal battle to buy shares in the bank’s placing and compensatory open offer – this money keeps the foundation afloat. Because they did not agree to the changes, Lloyds TSB Foundation for Scotland will still receive their share of 1% of profits until the covenant ends in 2019. (The Lloyds banking group had the right to terminate the contract by giving notice nine years in advance of the termination. In the meantime, the PPI mis-selling scandal has meant that the Lloyds banking group has had to set aside £5.3b for potential claims. The situation gets murkier by the minute.) 

 

Concerned about the damaging effect the moves would have on Scotland’s voluntary sector, the trustees decided to fight the banking group’s move in the law courts. Lord Glennie ruled against the charitable foundation. 

The Scottish foundation’s trustees decided to appeal against the decision. Scotland’s senior judge the Lord President, Lord Hamilton, sitting with Lord Carloway and Lord Kingarth in the Court of Session, found in favour of Lloyds TSB Foundation for Scotland, and decided that the banking group should pay the foundation £3.5 million. This seemed like a victory for justice, given that the foundation’s grants helped to repair at least some of the damage caused by the reckless behaviour of the banking industry.

Despite the reputational damage caused by its actions, the banking group announced that it would appeal against the Scottish decision. Last week, at the Supreme Court in London, its appeal was upheld. The Scottish foundation will receive just £38,920 instead of £3.5m; it cannot appeal against that decision.

The long-term impact of the Lloyds banking group’s actions will be devastating. The covenant will be reduced from 1% to 0.5% of pre-tax profits. In addition to losing half of its income, Lloyds TSB Foundation for Scotland will be required to align a significant part of its funding to the banking group’s corporate objectives. In other words, the foundation will lose its prized independence as well as its exclusive focus on community needs. 

I would like to be able to say that it’s surprising that the Lloyds banking group should inflict such damage on its own reputation by effectively undermining the efforts of volunteers to alleviate some of the worst effects of the current financial crisis. But, sadly, I’m not surprised at all. 

As well as tipping countless innocent people into wretchedness, the recession has exposed hubris and venality and contempt in high places. The current crisis is spiritual as much as it is economic. The separation of ethics from finance always had disastrous consequences.

A prophet ahead of his times, Henry Duncan understood that when financial matters are ripped out of an ethical matrix, the disadvantaged and vulnerable will suffer most. It’s not a surprise to me that this visionary Presbyterian minister was a strong supporter of the movement to abolish slavery. He also supported Catholic emancipation – a move which would not have made him popular in some quarters. I would argue that he is one of the truly great figures in Scottish history – yet why have so few Scots heard of him?

No doubt champagne corks were popping in London when the latest ruling was announced. When the Lloyds’ corporate advertising boards appear at big race meetings, it will be two fingers down the throat time, given the price that will have been paid by people who have lost jobs and homes. 

I think the time has come for individuals and corporate groups in Scotland to withdraw their accounts from the Lloyds banks. As they do so, they should write to the Lloyds banking group’s central headquarters in London and explain why they are taking this action.

Such a protest will not disturb the sleep of corporate bankers with tin ears, but at least it will cheer up the volunteers who continue to help make Scotland ‘happen’, in the face of callous decisions which make a mockery of the so-called Big Society.

Briefings

A telling silence

<p>What do Adam Smith, the father of modern economics, Sir Winston Churchill, the Green Party and Business Secretary, Vince Cable have in common with one another? Answer: they all agree that a much fairer and more equitable system of local taxation would be one that is based on the value of land. &nbsp;The arguments in favour of land value taxation are so compelling that it&rsquo;s hard to comprehend why it does not enjoy wider support. George Monbiot, describes this lack of debate as a telling silence.</p> <div>30/01/13</div>

 

A Telling Silence – Why we need Land Value Tax

By George Monbiot, Guardian 22nd January 2013

You can learn as much about a country from its silences as you can from its obsessions. The issues politicians do not discuss are as telling and decisive as those they do. While the government’s cuts beggar the vulnerable and gut public services, it’s time to talk about the turns not taken, the opportunities foregone: the taxes which could have spared us every turn of the screw. 

The extent of the forgetting is extraordinary. Take, for example, capital gains tax. Before the election, the Liberal Democrats promised to raise it from 18% to “the same rates as income” (in other words a top rate of 50%), to ensure that private equity bosses were no longer paying lower rates of tax than their office cleaners(1). It made sense, as it would have removed the bosses’ incentive to collect their earnings as capital. Despite a powerful economic case, the government refused to raise the top rate above 28%. The Lib Dems protested for a day or two(2), and have remained silent ever since. In the parliamentary debate about cuts to social security, this missed opportunity wasn’t mentioned once(3). 

But at least that tax has risen. In just two and half years, the government has cut corporation tax three times. It will fall from 28% in 2010 to 21% in 2014(4,5). George Osborne, the chancellor, boasted last month that this “is the lowest rate of any major western economy”(6): he is consciously setting up a destructive competition with other nations, creating new excuses further to reduce the UK rate. 

Labour’s near-silence on this issue is easily explained. Under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, who were often as keen as the Conservatives to appease corporate power, the rate was reduced from 33% to 28%. Prefiguring Osborne’s boast, in 1999 Brown bragged that the rate he had set was “the lowest rate of any major industrialised country anywhere, including Japan and the United States.”(7) What a legacy for a Labour government. 

As for a Robin Hood tax on financial transactions, after an initial flutter of interest you are now more likely to hear the call of the jubjub bird in the House of Commons. According to the Institute for Public Policy Research, a tax rate of just 0.01% would raise £25bn a year, rendering many of the chamber’s earnest debates about the devastating cuts void(8). Silence also surrounds the notion of a windfall tax on extreme wealth. And to say that Professor Greg Philo’s arresting idea of transferring the national debt to those who possess assets worth £1m or more has failed to ignite the flame of passion in parliament would not overstate the case(9). 

But the loudest silence surrounds the issue of property taxes. The most expensive flat in that favourite haunt of the international super-rich, One Hyde Park, cost £135m. The owner pays £1,369 in council tax, or 0.001% of its value(10). Last year the Independent revealed that the Sultan of Brunei pays only £32 a month more for his pleasure dome in Kensington Palace Gardens than some of the poorest people in the same borough(11). A mansion tax – slapped down by David Cameron in October(12) – is only the beginning of what the owners of such places should pay. For the simplest, fairest and least avoidable levy is one which the major parties simply will not contemplate. It’s called land value tax. 

The term is a misnomer. It’s not really a tax. It’s a return to the public of the benefits we have donated to the landlords. When land rises in value, the government and the people deliver a great unearned gift to those who happen to own it. 

In 1909 a dangerous subversive explained the issue thus. “Roads are made, streets are made, services are improved, electric light turns night into day, water is brought from reservoirs a hundred miles off in the mountains – and all the while the landlord sits still. Every one of those improvements is effected by the labor and cost of other people and the taxpayers. To not one of those improvements does the land monopolist, as a land monopolist, contribute, and yet by every one of them the value of his land is enhanced. He renders no service to the community, he contributes nothing to the general welfare, he contributes nothing to the process from which his own enrichment is derived. … the unearned increment on the land is reaped by the land monopolist in exact proportion, not to the service, but to the disservice done.”(13) 

Who was this firebrand? Winston Churchill. As Churchill, Adam Smith(14) and many others have pointed out, those who own the land skim wealth from everyone else, without exertion or enterprise. They “levy a toll upon all other forms of wealth and every form of industry.”(15) Land value tax recoups this toll. 

It has a number of other benefits(16). It stops the speculative land hoarding that prevents homes from being built. It ensures that the most valuable real estate – in city centres – is developed first, discouraging urban sprawl. It prevents speculative property bubbles, of the kind that have recently trashed the economies of Ireland, Spain and other nations and which make rents and first homes so hard to afford. Because it does not affect the supply of land (they stopped making it some time ago), it cannot cause the rents that people must pay to the landlords to be raised. It is easy to calculate and hard to avoid: you can’t hide your land in London in a secret account in the Cayman Islands. And it could probably discharge the entire deficit. 

It is altogether remarkable, in these straitened and inequitable times, that land value tax is not at the heart of the current political debate. Perhaps it is a sign of how powerful the rent-seeking class in Britain has become. While the silence surrounding this obvious solution exposes Labour’s limitations, it also exposes the contradiction at heart of the Conservative Party. The Conservatives claim, in David Cameron’s words, to be “the party of enterprise”(17). But those who benefit most from its policies are those who are rich already. It is, in reality, the party of rent. 

This is where the debate about workers and shirkers, strivers and skivers should have led. The skivers and shirkers sucking the money out of your pockets are not the recipients of social security demonised by the Daily Mail and the Conservative Party, the overwhelming majority of whom are honest claimants. We are being parasitised from above, not below, and the tax system should reflect this. 

www.monbiot.com

References:

1. http://network.libdems.org.uk/manifesto2010/libdem_manifesto_2010.pdf

2. http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2010/jun/22/budget-capital-gains-tax-rises

3. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmhansrd/cm130108/debtext/130108-0002.htm

4. http://www.hmrc.gov.uk/rates/corp.htm

5. http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/dec/05/corporation-tax-cut-autumn-statement

6. http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/dec/05/corporation-tax-cut-autumn-statement

7. Gordon Brown, 1st November 1999. Speech to the CBI Conference. 

8. Tony Dolphin, June 2010. Financial Sector Taxes. Institute for Public Policy Research. http://www.ippr.org/publication/55/1779/financial-sector-taxes

9. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/aug/15/deficit-crisis-tax-the-rich

10. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/sultans-tax-discount-on-london-house-shows-law-favours-rich-8229543.html

11. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/sultans-tax-discount-on-london-house-shows-law-favours-rich-8229543.html

12. http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2012/oct/07/david-cameron-mansion-tax-cuts

13. http://www.landvaluetax.org/current-affairs-comment/winston-churchill-said-it-all-better-then-we-can.html

14. “Ground-rents are a still more proper subject of taxation than the rent of houses. A tax upon ground-rents would not raise the rents of houses. It would fall altogether upon the owner of the ground-rent, who acts always as a monopolist, and exacts the greatest rent which can be got for the use of his ground.” Wealth of Nations, Book V, Chapter 2.

15. Winston Churchill, as above. 

16. http://www.landvaluetax.org/

17. http://www.newstatesman.com/2011/03/enterprise-government-party

Briefings

Recession impacts on regeneration

<p>In the week that Joseph Rowntree Foundation launched its <a href="http://www.jrf.org.uk/publications/monitoring-poverty-scotland-2013">annual assessment</a> of poverty levels in Scotland, another piece of JRF funded research, run by SURF, has been published. Looking at how the recession is taking its toll on the regeneration of two distinctly different but equally disadvantaged neighbourhoods, the study explored how local people and agencies were coping with the added pressures, and whether there were any broader lessons to be learned.</p> <div>30/01/13</div>

 

Recession impacts on regeneration

A paper by Andy Milne & Derek Rankine of SURF  – REALITY, RESOURCES, RESILIENCE:  REGENERATION IN A RECESSION  January 2013 

This paper: 

• Looks at how the recession is impacting upon disadvantaged communities in Scotland; 

• Summarises experience and practical initiatives in two contrasting case study neighbourhoods; 

• Explores how communities and partner agencies are responding; and 

• Asks what opportunities are presented by the distinct Scottish policy context. 

How is the recession impacting upon disadvantaged communities in Scotland? How are communities and partner agencies responding? What opportunities are presented by the distinct Scottish policy context? A summary report based on SURF’s explorations of lived experience and practical initiatives in two contrasting case study neighbourhoods. 

Key points :

Dislocation The understanding and responses of policy makers to the lived ‘Reality, Resources and Resilience’ of disadvantaged communities are being undermined by the erosion of relatively small investments in community organisations, local service projects and interactive partnership links. The resulting dislocation of vital knowledge, assets and cooperation threatens the efficacy of larger public service plans and investments. 

Re-engagement Some encouraging possibilities can be drawn from this exploration of the Reality, Resources and Resilience in two contrasting case study settings at both local activity and strategic organisational levels. SURF partner organisations with ‘community asset’ focused policies and resources are keen to engage practically in support of the successful ‘ameliorative responses’ initiatives highlighted in this study. 

Exchanging The current convergence of policy initiatives and constitutional considerations in Scotland provides a unique opportunity to radically reconsider what could be achieved to improve the climate for more resilient community regeneration. The increasingly divergent policy approaches between Scotland and the rest of the UK offers a potentially productive context for exchanging practical experience and learning towards more effective responses in all areas.  

For a full copy of this report click here