Author: Press and Journal

This proposal has been developed by the remote community in Strontian , has the support of the Highland Council and has attracted an offer in principle of both development finance and long term loan from a major ethical bank and is recognised as having the potential to provide a template for future service provision within rural communities by replacing the PPP’s and PPF’s with ‘Community Public Partnerships’

A Highland community could be about to teach the council a lesson – by building its own school. It is believed to be the first time in Scotland that residents have taken on such a challenge.

People in remote Strontian, at Ardnamurchan, have decided to take action as Highland Council does not have the resources to replace the village’s dilapidated primary school. Various options were considered by the council, including renovation of the existing building and the provision of portable cabins at the nearby high school. But community leaders have put their foot down, insisting that makeshift classrooms were not good enough for their youngsters.

The council has now agreed to allow them to do the groundwork to establish the costs and practicalities of raising the necessary finances for a new school.

Claire Campbell, of the Strontian Community School Building Group (SCSBG), said last night: “It’s no longer fit for purpose with inadequate space and a building in poor condition, requiring long overdue improvement and enlargement work throughout.”

The group will now lead the efforts to develop and manage a community-owned primary school with help from the Highland Small Communities Housing Trust. Members hope to procure a site beside Ardnamurchan High School in Strontian for the school, which would then be leased to the council.

They are confident the arrangement would benefit the pupils and wider community “as the proposed building plans could revert to affordable housing in the future.”

The cost of the basic school build – without kitting it out – has been put at £690,000.

Local Highland councillor Andrew Baxter believes the mission can succeed.

“It’s fantastic that a community feels this strongly about an issue that it’s prepared to take the lead on it and not rely on the council in providing what they consider would have been second best,” he said.

“They have my support in doing that and I hope they become a model for other Highland communities.

“The existing primary school is outdated and cramped. The kids are served lunch on the neighbouring village hall stage, which is a miniscule space, and they have to be served their food because there’s not enough room for them to move around on the stage.”

The Highland Small Communities Housing Trust has conducted a site investigation and flood risk assessment of the location.

It is has set a target of £2,000-£3,000 for a start-up fund to cover the initial legal fees, land valuations and administration costs before it is in a position to apply for funding.

The cash would come from sources including grants, share options and commercial loans, and the trust believes the Scottish Land Fund may fund the land purchase cost.

Sunart Community Council has already pledged £1,000 towards the start-up cost of the “wonderful” project.

Chairwoman Denise Anderson said: “The project is wonderful and we’re behind them all the way.

The existing school is not fit for purpose. It’s not big enough, in particular the playground.”

Strontian Primary head teacher Pamela Hill added: “The proposed new school project is an exciting prospect not only for pupils, parents and staff but the wider community.

 “The support has been fantastic and, as a school, we’re looking forward to seeing the proposals come to life.”

There are currently 34 pupils and four in the nursery.

Jamie McIntyre, a parent member of the SCSBG, said: “Importantly, this proposal will leave a legacy for the community.

“If, at the conclusion of the lease-period Highland Council decides to relocate the school, the building, being community-owned, will be available for conversion into badly needed affordable housing or other similar use.”

Highland Council had estimated a bill of more than £1million to move the 1970s-built primary school.

A spokeswoman for the Scottish Government said: “Local authorities are responsible for the provision of education in their areas. We support local authorities to provide appropriate schooling to meet the needs of the communities they serve. Any decision on individual land and assets is a matter for individual local authorities.  “We are always open to new approaches and ideas that serve different communities’ needs around Scotland including any debate on how to further improve Scottish education.”

Author: DTAS

Education Scotland, in partnership with Development Trusts Association Scotland (DTAS), has released the reports of a ground breaking pilot study which sought to explore the impact that development trusts1 have upon their communities.

The reports, which are available to read and download from the Education Scotland website, are the first of their kind and the first time that the impact of development trusts in Scotland has been measured in this way

Sampling three very different trusts: Inverclyde Community Development Trust; Mull and Iona Community Trust and; Huntly and District Development Trust, the positive reviews highlight both the individual strengths of each of the grass-root organisations, as well as specific merits that all three have in common.

Most significant of which is the recognition that development trusts have a positive impact on the lives of the community in which they operate and that each makes a strong contribution to the local economy alongside a significant contribution to the place-making agenda.

Other common strengths highlighted across the three studies include:

•             Strong, competent and effective boards

•             Established track records of partnership working

•             A ‘can do’ approach

Commenting on the publication of the reports, director of DTA Scotland Ian Cooke commented:

“DTAS was delighted to work with Education Scotland on this pilot study to identify and measure the impact of development trusts, the results of which have been extremely positive. Sampling three very different DTAS members, the independent study confirmed our own experience of the positive and multi-faceted impact which development trusts have on the lives of the people within the communities in which they operate. We were particularly pleased to see evidence of the, strong contribution which the development trusts in question made to local economies, and to the Scottish Government’s ‘place-making’ agenda.

“The outcomes from this study reflect the hard work and commitment of the trusts involved, but have a wider significance for the community-led regeneration network as a whole. They are very much to be welcomed.”

Sheila Brown, HMI, from Education Scotland’s Community Learning & Development Team said:

“Education Scotland were keen to work with DTAS and the three Development Trusts as part of our programme of trying out different methods of inspection and review activity. The reviews of the Development Trusts has given us a rich source of evaluative evidence about the work of the sector in Scotland.”

Chair of Mull and Iona Community Trust, Sandy Brunton said:

“Entrenched in community-led regeneration since our establishment in 1997, Mull and Iona Community Trust (MICT) warmly welcomed the opportunity to participate in this study.

“It is very easy to become so focused on the delivery of projects and forget why such projects were introduced in the first place, and taking part in the pilot presented us with an invaluable opportunity to look at what MICT has achieved and accomplished over the past 19 years. We are delighted that our community engagement and involvement has been highlighted as a key strength of the organisation as two of our key aims are to build community cohesion and reduce social isolation.

“Looking beyond MICT, it is great to see some recognition of the wider impact and effectiveness of development trusts and community-led regeneration.”

Author: DTAS

To see full report (click here) 

The purpose of the DTAS Town Centre Fund was to inspire, initiate and support more development trusts and community anchor organisations to play a greater and more prominent role within high street regeneration processes. It was envisaged that providing grants for town centre visioning and action planning exercises would act as a catalyst to action, enabling development trusts to employ external consultants to assist with a range of visioning and action planning activities, including: 

•           Mapping of ownership of relevant land and buildings (including planning consents)

•           Survey of retailers and local businesses

•           Mapping of community organisations and potential regeneration partners

•           Stakeholder engagement and partnership building

•           Community consultation and needs analysis

•           Mapping of enterprise and income generation opportunities

•           Visioning and action planning

•           It was recognised that visioning and action planning was key to securing greater community engagement, releasing local creativity and generally encouraging greater community-led activity, but that opportunities to fund this kind of activity were limited and / or restrictive for community organisations. The DTAS Town Centre Fund was created to test the appetite for this kind of activity by offering grants of up to £10,000, and designed around light touch administration and significant flexibility.

What we actually did.

 DTAS invited Expressions of Interest from development trust members. Applicants were referred to the Scottish Government’s definition of ‘town centre’ and invited to make the case for being involved, or aspiring to be involved, in town centre regeneration.

Despite the tight timescale for submission, 19 Expressions of Interest were received, clearly demonstrating the appetite and need for this kind of resource. A Panel involving representatives from the Scottish Government, Scotland’s Towns Partnership and DTAS, assessed the Expressions of Interest received against pre-determined criteria.

 In the event, 11 grant awards were made to the following development trusts, totalling £102,000. This was more than a 50% increase in the anticipated cost of this demonstration project, and reflected the quality and ambition of the Expressions of Interest received.

Peebles Community Trust – £10k to finalise whole town master plan, conduct further community consultation and identify and progress specific community-led activities

 Moniaive Inititiave – £8k to develop a vision for main street and an action plan to kick start process of bringing vacant main street buildings back into use.

 Nairn Improvement Community Enterprise – £10k to take forward outputs of the recent charrette exercise, with a specific focus on developing deliverable business and community enterprise activities which can be progresses by the community.

 South Kintyre Development Trust – £10k to build on recent community consultation and develop a vision and action plan for the High Street, and establish a ‘delivery partnership’ for implementation. Callander Community Development Trust – £5k to conduct a feasibility study to identify a suitable empty building which can be developed as shared workspace for small businesses, as part of a wider town centre regeneration process.

Carluke Development Trust – £9k to conduct an economic impact study on Carluke High Street for community-led project to develop a unique heritage based business (High Mill).

 Woodlands CDT (Glasgow) – £10k to engage with community and stakeholders on Woodlands Road to develop a vision and action plan, with particular focus on exploring linkages between social need and vacant property.

 Beith Community Trust – £10k to extend current BCT activity and focus on the future of Beith High Street, developing a community vision for the future, along with deliverable actions.

 Creetown Initiative – £9.6k to explore alternative uses for vacant buildings in neighbouring Kirkcudbright through consultation, partnership building and the identification of business and community enterprise opportunities.

 Clackmannan Development Trust – £10k to update a previous town centre development plan, address the issue of vacant properties and develop a deliverable action plan.

 Barra & Vatersay Community Ltd – £10k to fund work to explore and develop alternative uses for empty main street buildings as a means to stimulate wider high street regeneration, and countering the wider spread of recent developments

 What difference we actually made

11 applicants have made significant progress in carrying out their stated activities, although for a range of reasons outlined below, some participating development trusts have taken longer than others to fully complete their ‘visioning and action planning’ exercise.

In Peebles the grant was used to create a Town Action Plan (a statement of development priorities) based on background profiling of the town and several rounds of community consultation. The Plan identifies strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and threats, and presents a programme of actions and priorities to be promoted by the town, and taken forward by a range of public, private and civil organisations. This has also identified the need for a Town (not merely town centre) Development Manager, and PCT is now seeking funding for this. PCT  are also developing a “Vision for Peebles” which aims to ensure an accessible community led strategic approach, in terms of town physical and institutional infrastructures, and service provision, required for sustainable development. Drafts of the document have been prepared and will

be used as the basis of further community consultation and debate. After this, PCT expect to get  professionals involved to move towards a final document – a document that it is intended will be endorsed by the Council, and its contents referred to when considering development applications.

Moniaive Initiative undertook online and key stakeholder surveys, the results of which were fed back to the community alongside a community wide questionnaire. The results of those 3 surveys, along with ideas gleaned through other community fora, were used to inform the discussions at a community workshop. On the strength of this work, the Trust secured additional investment (and staff time) to engage in a wider community spaces project, with a strong focus on the feasibility of creating community spaces in the High Street both to supplement the existing, poor service and amenity provision and to regenerate the High Street through increased footfall and activity. Some differences in funding timescales led to an (agreed with DTAS) later final reporting stage for the Initiative. This will happen later in the summer, after the results of both programmes of work have been presented to the community, and used to create a Regeneration Action Plan.

 After several delays the action and planning activity in Nairn is now well underway, and expected to be completed with an open day and a full public meeting in July. Local consultant, Marion Francis, is leading this process, which to date has involved extensive community and stakeholder consultation. The work is focussing on how to take forward the recommendations from the charrette-derived Nairn Community Town Centre Action Plan, and is looking likely to lead to the creation of a BID (Highland Council have committed £10k to this) and the identification of the areas in which the community can make the most effective contribution. The process is helpfully separating roles and remits, and will conclude with key actions for several partners, including the community.

 South Kintyre Development Trust used the grant to commission a team of consultants to assist the community build a strong network of stakeholders, from many sectors, and work alongside them to develop a vision and action plan for the community led regeneration of Campbeltown Town Centre. The consequent report (which contains over 80 recommendations) details issues, ideas, conversations, priorities and recommendations for future regeneration activity in the town centre. Following a period of confusion, the process has usefully created a clear direction of travel for SKD, in addition to creating a strengthened town centre group. Crucially, Campbeltown Centre now has a list of prioritised projects with clearly identified champions / leads for each.

 Local architects WD Harley were appointed by Callander Community Development Trust to complete a feasibility study of potential premises to create a community business hub (shared work shop, office, meeting space). The core of what was a comprehensive study, was an options appraisal which focussed on the 9 vacant business properties. The Report identified a preferred option, with costings, and offered an outline business plan for the venture. The Board of CCDT are currently discussing how this is progressed. An unforeseen outcome was the high profile nature of the work stimulated interest from a range of local organisations, and CCDT are exploring how local sports organisations could work together to take on an empty shop from which to sell sports equipment for their respective activities.

Carluke Development Trust – we understand that work was commissioned and fully carried out but DTAS is awaiting receipt of the evaluation form and Final Report 

Woodlands Community Development Trust commissioned Yellow Book to undertake a scoping study of Woodland Road during October 2015. The work surveyed 60 of the 130 retail, food and drink businesses operating from Woodlands Road and produced a ‘Woodlands Agenda’ which is focused around 7 key themes. These are all described in detail in the Final Report. The Study found that Woodlands CDT was a well respected and credible organisation, and as such was well placed to lead on the implementation of the Woodlands Agenda. However, the report also raised questions about the extent to which doing this would draw the organisation from its core purpose, and whether it had the capacity to take this on. Given that community anchor organisations can sometimes have a tendency to try and take too much on, DTAS regard this as a very helpful and positive outcome.

Beith Community Trust used the grant to carry out some very innovative (and hi-tec) community engagement exercises, and undertook joint work with staff and students from the Glasgow School of Architecture. This has involved looking at potential high street regeneration activity through the prism of ‘slow architecture’… working alongside the community to assess how they use the area, the buildings and the infrastucture, and what gaps there are. From here the process then determined what meaningful and sustainable regeneration activity was possible – sustainable in that proposals fit the pattern of use, and usefully fill gaps identified by the community. As a result of this work, the BCT have purchased a property in the high street, which will be used to showcase their own and other work, as well as lead to increased footfall in the town centre.

The Creetown Initiative were able to use the fund to work alongside a range of community and other stakeholders in neighbouring Kirkcudbright, assessing the feasibility and community desire to create a high street ‘offer’ linked to Kirkudbright’s status as Scotland’s Arts Town. As a result of these consultation and engagement processes, there is a renewed level of engagement from the local authority. Dumfries and Galloway Council have now committed to jointly facilitating and supporting the use of some previously empty buildings. A key objective of the intervention was to assess the appetite of the community to become more involved in the regeneration of the town centre, and the result of this is the establishment of the newly created Kirkcudbright Development Trust, who will now take the lead on further community-led regeneration activity.

Clackmannan Development Trust used the grant to provide a focus for raising the profile of their town heritage, identifying works needed to enhance the important historic architecture and streetscape, using this to generate increased public access and footfall to support regeneration, economic development and local job creation. The specific output from the work was the creation of a new community-led masterplan, a direct result of which has been CDT securing £350,000 to support ongoing community led regeneration activity. In addition CDT report that the local authority, Clackmannanshire Council, have appointed a Liaison Officer to support the Trust and the community in this work. CDT report a number of other positive outcomes, but stress that the key one for them has been the way in which the project has ‘restored pride and confidence’ in the community.

Barra & Vatersay Community Ltd matched their £10k grant with another £10k grant and undertook a joint action planning / charrette-type exercise focussing on the town centre. A key focus of this was the number of empty buildings and the current trend of development away from the main street. This work was successfully carried out by Ironside Farrar and ran during March, 2016. B&VCL have just received the 2nd version of the final joint report, which is now very close to being finalised. Once this is received, B&VL will share the report with other partners / stakeholders and jointly discuss implementation of key actions.

Author: Martin Sime and Willie Sullivan

To read full paper click here.

If you would like to respond to this paper or become involved in any subsequent conversations, please contact either

Willie.Sullivan@electoral-reform.org.uk  or Martin.Sime@scvo.org.uk

A Summary

In this paper we have been trying to think about the future of civil society in the context of a rapidly changing economy, society and polity. The power and sustainability of what citizens do for themselves and each other is a persistent theme. How to reconfigure relationships between civil society and the state, including the interplay between citizen action and representative democracy, is another critical issue which we hope can be explored. We have come to recognise that technology is a significant enabler of change, particularly to the capacity and connectedness of civil society organisations. How all of this might play out over the next 10 years is at the heart of a discussion which we hope will stimulate colleagues to review strategies and plans in this context. We need more people to be thinking about this stuff.

Just describing the scale and diversity of Scottish civil society is a major project. We are diverse, pluralistic and often atomised. There are some wide networks alongside individual organisations with deep roots. We are routinely characterised by our differences: big/small; national/local; charity/social enterprise; campaigner/service provider. There are groups and organisations which cover just about every issue under the sun.

The critique we offer needs to be seen in that context. We fear a creeping managerialism, often connected to the delivery of services under contract to government. Some of our number mimic corporate or public sector values and the commitment to transparency and accountability can be shallow. Mostly, we sense a lack of ambition and effective strategies to deliver on our missions. Victorian attitudes favouring mere mitigation are favoured by some.

On the other hand we sense enormous potential in the moment. Whilst a big state mentality is still omnipotent, the worlds of traditional party politics and media seem in terminal decline. Rising inequality and insecurity are stoking demands which the state cannot meet within the shallow debate about tax and spend. It is evident from our growth points that more people want more control over the things that matter to them and more say over the things that are done for and to them. Where will more self-directedness and community empowerment take us?

Such a future is unlikely without at least some critical appraisal of the values which underpin civil society activism. We can lay claim to a lot of latent power and authority but this will not be realisable without serious commitments to improve our legitimacy and to develop our democratic accountability to the people we serve. We sense that quite radical change is required to root out vested and institutional interests lest we become part of the problem we describe.

The old ways of organising our society and our governance are no longer attractive or viable. People vote with their feet to invest their time and energy in ways where they feel they can make a difference, where their contribution matters. This is the principal driver of civil society growth in every country in the world.

How much more of our society and economy could, or should, be run on mutual, non-profit and democratic principles? How much should be and can we imagine a project to get us there more quickly than seems likely on our current trajectory? Can we create a (more) enabling state for these purposes and what role do we need it to play?

Ultimately though, this is a project about a mature civil society challenging itself to become more relevant to meeting the challenges of tomorrow; to walk the talk of our values and realise the power of people mobilising together for public good.

We are trying to create a debate about how we organise our society and its institutions in changing circumstances. This pamphlet points out some things that are driving change, particularly the relationship between society and technology. This exposes, and potentially removes, some of the barriers to transformative change over time. We think there might be an opportunity to rearrange things so that people are freer to do things for each other and themselves. We suggest this is an opportunity to make Scotland a better place.

Willie Sullivan

Martin Sime

Author: Inside housing, by Colin Wiles

What is a Federation? It’s a coming together of individual elements to make a greater entity, based on Aristotle’s “The whole is greater than the sum of its parts.” In a Federal structure individual members are, or should be, treated as equals, regardless of their size, with identical voting rights. In return for giving up some of their independence they enjoy the protection and strength that the unified body brings.

In the great scheme of things the National Housing Federation is a relatively small federation, and it is a trade federation not a political federation, but the principles are the same. Historically, the two largest political federations have been the USA and the USSR. Under the US Constitution laws are made by a Congress of two chambers, a House of Representatives and a Senate.

Members of the House are elected in proportion to the population of each state, but each state also elects two Senators, regardless of population. So California with 39 million people and Wyoming with 600,000 people each send two Senators to the Senate and both states have an equal say. It is a fundamental principle of the US constitution that large states cannot dominate or bully smaller states.

The Constitution contains a number of checks and balances that result in the House, the Senate, and the executive power of the President being roughly in balance with each other. The tenth amendment states, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the state respectively, or to the people.” In other words, there are limits on the power of the United States, and the states reserve a high degree of independence to themselves. They can decide, for example, whether to kill their own citizens. The United States cannot impose its will on individual states if it is unconstitutional to do so.

By contrast the USSR fell apart because the smaller republics were dominated and overwhelmed by the largest member, Russia, and they sought to become independent. There were no checks and balances to prevent Russian domination.

The National Housing Federation’s constitution, its Articles of Association, states that one of its key objects is to “..be the representative, co-ordinating and trade body in England for organisations which provide or manage homes”, and that, “The Federation shall have one class of members.” It confirms the Federation’s “..commitment to fairness of representation, equality and diversity.” When important decisions have to be taken at general or annual general meetings, “..every member present (either by authorised representative or by proxy) shall have one vote.”

 It’s important to emphasise these three key principles in the NHF constitution: one class of members, fairness of representation and one member one vote.

The Right to Buy offer has driven a wedge through all three principles. It’s clear that some members have been consulted more than others to the extent that that it has created at least two tiers of membership. It’s clear that the ballot does not allow for fair representation and it’s clear that one member one vote has been replaced by one home one vote. Using the US analogy it would mean California having 65 times as many Senators as Wyoming.

The process has been a violation of the principles of federalism, and it could be argued that the Federation has breached its own constitution. Many people I talk to take the view that the consituent parts of the Federation have become unbalanced and that the Board and the executive team have been effectively “taken prisoner”by the larger associations, because they pay the bulk of the fees and their withdrawal would destroy its finances. Smaller members have been sidelined. It’s a case of he who pays the piper plays the tune. That is not how a good federation should work.

By its unilateral action, the NHF has certainly created a deep split within the social housing sector. Whether it, the Federation, will survive in its present form is hard to say.  

Author: Scottish Government

For guidance, FAQs and information on how to apply click here

Applications are now open for a new £2 million fund giving communities the opportunity to vote on how money is spent in their area.

The £2 million Community Choices Fund will be targeted at work in deprived areas, and for the first time community groups as well as all public authorities, including local authorities, will be able to apply for funding to organise their own Community Choices budgeting events.

These events give communities the opportunity to make decisions on how and where investment is spent in their area – for example employability initiatives, projects that encourage volunteering, and training for young people.

Local Government and Housing Minister Kevin Stewart said:

“I am delighted to launch our new Community Choices Fund which is a real opportunity for communities to vote on investment, shape services and address the issues that are important in their area.

“The launch of this fund is important because we recognise that every community in Scotland has different needs and challenges. We want to see more decision-making handed to local people – especially in choosing local spending priorities.

“It’s fantastic to see that participatory budgeting is gaining real ground in Scotland with a large number of councils taking the lead to date and helping to organise over 50 events this year. These events have included decisions on housing revenue, roads capital spending, and the procurement of a bus service.

“However we want to make sure we are reaching out to people in their own localities, which is why we are now expanding and opening up opportunities to community organisations and community councils to apply for this funding.

“This Government is clear we want to give communities more control to shape their futures and I look forward to seeing a range of ideas and applications from organisations across Scotland.”

Author: Olga Bloemen & Bella Crowe from Nourish Scotland write for CommonSpace

Click here to view the blog by Elli Kontorravdis from the United Nations in Geneva

In recent years, the injustice of our current food system has become more apparent than ever.

The increase in food bank usage, the growing body of research linking food insecurity to poor diets, the prevalence of zero-hour contracts in the food sector, to name but a few of the issues which affect thousands of Scots every day.

As with education and healthcare, food is a basic human need, without which individuals are unable to reach their potential and contribute to society. But unlike education and healthcare (to date) the rules and ideas that govern our food system are not decided by elected governments. Instead it is global corporations that largely dictate how food reaches our plate, with profit-making trumping the provision of healthy, tasty, sustainable food.

Food is a basic human need, access to food should not come down to purchasing power

The post-World War II food system is characterised by long and complex supply chains, and an increasing concentration of power and ownership at all stages of the chain. For example, the ‘big four’ supermarket chains occupy more than two thirds of the grocery market in the UK. There is a distinct lack of democracy, transparency and accountability in how we do food.

In recent years, much government energy has been spent on devising ‘responsibility deals’ for the food sector, seeking commitments from corporations on reformulation of products and communication with consumers. This approach fundamentally misses the point. If we accept that corporations control our food system, and the best we can do is attempt to influence them, we also surrender our landscapes, wildlife, health, wellbeing, food culture and community cohesion to the whims of undemocratic, profit-driven decision making.

To feed everybody well, without messing up the planet, we need whole-scale transformation. This is not going to happen while we let corporations make the rules.

So where do we go from here? How do we recapture the food system so that it provides good food for everyone, supports decent livelihoods and works with our environment?

It seems straightforward: If we are going to create a food system centred on the well-being of people in Scotland, it must involve people in Scotland. Certainly this means support for communities to grow food, as has often been mentioned, increasing urban and peri-urban food production, support for progressive food businesses and investment in infrastructure to shorten supply chains. But fundamentally, it means a real commitment to democracy in our food system.

The government’s hands-off approach to food policy has left industry to govern by default.

In the first place that requires political leadership to draw a line in the sand: they must state clearly that our food (and drink) is not any other industry. Food is a basic human need, access to

The International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which the UK has ratified, states that everyone has the right to ‘an adequate standard of living’, which includes the right to food. This week, the UN Committee responsible for monitoring compliance with the Covenant is conducting its 5-yearly examination of the UK. Nourish Scotland alongside other civil society organisations, is giving evidence in Geneva on how the UK government, and the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish governments where the matter is devolved, are performing on meeting citizen’s basic rights.

The ‘big four’ supermarket chains occupy more than two thirds of the grocery market … there is a distinct lack of democracy, transparency and accountability in how we do food.

While this is a powerful international platform, Scottish civil society should not need to go all the way to the UN to influence food policy and legislation. Ideas such as ‘Open Government’ and ‘co-production’ in policy-making have been bounced around in the Scottish Government, but there has not been any serious application of this to our food system.

The government’s hands-off approach to food policy has left industry to govern by default, and policies that have been developed such as the Good Food Nation have not involved civil society beyond the initial consultation.

Cities such as Toronto and countries likeBrazil are already showing what can be achieved through the co-production of food policies

With the SNP, Labour and Greens having committed to developing legislation on food in the new parliament, we have an opportunity to do things differently. To create a food system that works for the majority and delivers public goods, instead of working for the minority and delivering private profit, we need everyone’s voices to be heard. We need participatory deliberation and engagement mechanisms on food policy, as much as we need them for our other important societal pillars too, like energy, finance, health care and education.

Cities such as Toronto and countries like Brazil are already showing what can be achieved through the co-production of food policies, with immense progress being made ensuring people have access to adequate food with dignity.

At the same time, food democracy goes beyond policy and is about taking control of our food system at the grassroots level, moving from being passive consumers to active citizens. This might mean producing, preparing and sharing food as part of thegrowing community food sector or supporting

For a democratic food system, we need a bigger and broader movement of people in Scotland committed to approaching food differently. We need to develop our understanding, skills and confidence to be able to raise our voice and to make things happen, at a community level and a policy level.

Author: Malcolm Dean, The Guardian

I first met Bob Holman, who sadly died last week aged 79, more than 30 years ago. By then his audacious decision in 1976 of giving up a comfortable academic life as a University of Bath professor to create a community action project in one of the city’s poorest wards was well under way. He had moved with his wife Annette, a lecturer in social work in Bristol, and his two children into a house that had been a GP surgery. It became both a home and a community centre which local people could turn to for help, or turn up to, to help others.

Our first meeting was bound to be tricky. He had been a dedicated Labour party member since 1961 and I was a former Labour party member standing as the SDP candidate in Bath. But as founding editor in 1979 of the Guardian’s Society section, dedicated to covering social conditions in the UK and all aspects of the welfare state, we were united by our concern over the devastating cuts by the Thatcher government. His move in 1987 from Bath to Glasgow, where he co-founded a now famous community action project in Easterhouse, was based on a simple principle: poor people are best helped by people who live with them, rather than lecture at them.

Almost to the end Holman was initiating new research. He set out a challenge to update the Our Towns poverty report published in 1943, which dramatically changed public attitudes to the welfare state, with the words, “Now, just as it was 70 years ago, some live in poverty because others live in luxury.” Our Lives: Challenging Attitudes to Poverty in 2015, found that modern Britain failed to understand poor people’s lifestyles.

Holman became a regular contributor to the Guardian. Here are some extracts from his writing:

In 1987, a few residents in Easterhouse, a postwar suburb six miles east of the Glasgow, that had become synonymous with deprivation, took over an abandoned shop as a club for unemployed youngsters. When I moved into the neighbourhood, with my Glaswegian wife, I went along. Being English, I felt threatened – but I gained street cred by beating the teenagers at table tennis.

About 18 months later we were kicked out of the shop, and 30 of us formed Family Action in Rogerfield and Easterhouse (Fare) as a charity in a tiny room in the tenants’ association premises. I was appointed part-time leader. We ran youth clubs in the nearby school, and I also helped some families to claim benefits and others that were having difficulties with their children.

Within a year, the funds from Barrow Cadbury Trust were exhausted and I worked for nothing, supporting myself as a part-time academic researcher. I sometimes wrote for the Guardian and readers sent money. Through this we set up the Friends of Fare, and these donations (which continue) were vital to our survival in the early years.

In 1996, the council offered Fare a tenement block of six flats, which had become “hard-to-lets” following three drug-related deaths. Having premises made it easier to obtain grants. I became a volunteer, and the new leader, Rosemary Dickson, oversaw expansion. A breakfast club provided meals for children before school. The biggest challenge was gang warfare. Staff went into schools to discuss the pros and cons of gang membership. Then clubs were started in other neighbourhoods. After three years, Strathclyde police reported a 58% drop in violence, vandalism and youth disorder.

Fare has 30 “workers”, made up of full-time staff, sessional workers and volunteers. Most are from Glasgow’s east end. They have experienced Fare’s services as children and can relate to the families they work with because they come from similar backgrounds. They provide expertise in leadership, youth work, community organising and sports coaching. They are appointed by a local committee that sets the policies.

It is difficult to explain the reasons for Fare’s endurance, but in a nutshell it is because of its local involvement and the alternatives it has provided.

I thought I knew Iain Duncan Smith

I no longer recognise the Iain Duncan Smith with whom I have had a cross-party friendship for eight years. In 2002, as the Conservative party leader, he visited the project I helped to found in Easterhouse. He has described the visit as a kind of epiphany: “I saw the poverty among a swath of forgotten people. I felt I had to do something and came away a changed man.”

Since becoming work and pensions secretary he appears to have accepted old Tory policies on every crucial issue.

My long experience in deprived areas tells me that the number who make a rational decision to live on benefits is tiny. I know others who cannot face working: those with mental health problems, for instance, or severe behavioural difficulties. These are the very people that the small voluntary projects can help. But this involves building relationships and providing support, not compulsion.

The IDS I knew was a politician who almost wept at the plight of the poor. My guess is that, in order to reach his costly goal of a universal credit scheme, he has had to mollify the chancellor, George Osborne – and that can only be done by being like those Tories who take pleasure in punishing the poor.There is an alternative. I have observed his rare gift of being able to listen to and communicate with people crushed by social deprivation. I believe he should leave the cabinet and devote himself to those at the hard end.

Why I rejected my MBE

The danger is that in writing about my reasons for doing so, I will come over as an inverted snob: “I am more radical than thou”. But that isn’t my intention. I decided to write about rejecting the MBE for two reasons. One is that I want to thank and explain my reasons to the unknown people who nominated me. Second, perhaps it will encourage others to do the same. The honours are bestowed by the monarchy. As a democrat, I am opposed to a queen and other royals who wield great public influence in spite of never having been elected. I am an egalitarian. I believe that a socially and materially equal society is more united, content and just. The royal honours system is designed to promote differences of status. It is made clear that those who are made knights or dames are socially superior to those given CBEs, OBEs or MBEs. But all are socially above those without honours. These imposed differences hinder the co-operation, interaction and fellowship that are the characteristics of equality. Refusing a royal honour is a small step but one in the right direction.

Last words

Hospital in Glasgow in July, 2015. A consultant speaks frankly to me: “Mr Holman, I am sorry to say that you have motor neurone disease.”For several months, I had been under several departments for difficultities in swallowing and coughing fits, loss of use in my right hand, breathlessness and problems with my voice. Then it was brought together by the neurology department – motor neurone disease, a rare but deadly disease. It involves the decline in use of nerves and muscles, with the victim usually unable to carry out basic tasks. There is no cure, it is progressive and usually leads to a shortened life span. I am in the early stages but my life style has changed considerably. My diet consists of easy to swallow food, well prepared by my wife, Annette. The slow chewing means that it can take 50 minutes to consume breakfast, often accompanied by coughing. Consequently, I cannot eat in cafes or restuarants. My voice is difficult to understand and will eventually go altogether. I can no longer speak at public meetings. I do insist on going to buy the local papers at the local co-op everyday where they know about my illness. But the short walk can make me breathless. To sleep, I have to sit upright. For all this, I do have a certain contentment for these reasons. The illness has brought me even closer to all our family. My loving wife Annette and I accept the likelihood of my soon-to-come death. At my remembrance service, I want not just hymns but also We’ll Meet Again by Vera Lynn. My dad, in the war, dug out many bombed people, dead and alive, and the song always brought tears to his eyes. In addition, I believe Annette and I will meet again.

Our son, David, a professor at Manchester University, comes every other weekend, often with his Glaswegian wife, Janice. He hugs me, tells me he loves me, takes me out. In a local park we walked through the gardens. I reminded him that years ago I climbed a mountain with him on my shoulders. He had taken my arm and was now guiding me. We laughed together. Our daughter Ruth lives nearby. Often she brings our two grandsons over at the weekend. Lucas is just 18 and, when both parents went to work, I frequently cared for him from the age of six months.

Since 1987, I have attended the Baptist church in Easterhouse where I have many friends including West Africans and asylum seekers from the Middle East and East Africa. Our church supports and welcomes them. The home secretary, Theresa May, claims that immigrants divide communities. She is so wrong.

I am happy to be in the hands of the Scottish NHS. It is not just the expert doctors at the hospital, I also receive help from a specialist nurse, dietician, speech therapist and occupational therapist at our home. They are both expert and friendly. No doubt I will not continue to be so content. What one consultant calls “the cruel disease” is progressive and I will lose my voice altogether, perhaps lose the capacity to swallow and have to be fed through a tube, and lose my physical mobility. But I will not lose my Christianity. It came before my socialism. The example and values of Jesus Christ led me to seek a societal implementation through politics. The writings of Richard Tawney and the practices of Keir Hardie and George Lansbury led me into the Labour party. But Christianity is more than politics. It will be with me to the end.

A message from India

Bob Holman, for us, underlined the global nature of poverty. He was that rarity, a professor, author and academic, who opted, on principle, to live with a disadvantaged community. Anything less, was to him, hypocritical, conflicting with his Christian faith. Bob chose to practise what most of us profess.

In 1994, my husband Stan and I, were invited to study poverty work in the UK from an Indian perspective. Easterhouse shocked us. Unemployed people had homes with hot and cold running water, piped gas, cookers and refrigerators, all considered middle-class luxuries in India. But, as Bob pointed out, below that surface things were quite grim. Children were growing up an inch or two shorter than their Scottish grandparents because their diet was so poor. Unemployment was rampant. The community survived because they were closely knit.

The world is full of poverty pundits. Bob didn’t just sit and analyse the problems of poverty. He wrote and lectured, but mostly he just got on with the job. It’s what made him one of a kind.

Mari Marcel Thekaekara is a human rights activist

A memorial service for Bob Holman will take place at Easterhouse Baptist Church at 3pm on 25 June. Donations can be made to Fare at fare-scotland.org

Author: Scottish Parliament

Organogram of Third Sector Division team

New MSPs take on roles scrutinising government legislation

THE MEMBERSHIP of key Scottish Parliament committees has been lodged in a motion to the parliament today [Wednesday 8 June], confirming which MSPs will be responsible for key political issues at the beginning of the fifth Scottish parliament.

The committees hold an important role considering government proposals, and reporting on issues of public interest. The recent Land Reform Act debate witnessed a committee of MSPs pushing for far bolder action from the government.

Due to the election result, the committees will reflect the make up of the parliament – where no party has an overall majority. Scottish Tory and Scottish Green representation is also higher in the system as a result of their election performances.

Conveners and vice-conveners are selected from within the committees. They will play a key role in upcoming debates on issues such as education and local government reform, setting future tax rates, and continuing debates on land reform and housing policy.

A motion, lodged by Joe FitzPatrick MSP on behalf of the parliamentary bureau, stated: “That the parliament agrees the membership of committees of the Parliament as follows:

Environment, Climate Change and Land Reform Committee

Membership: Maurice Golden, Finlay Carson, Alexander Burnett, Mark Ruskell, Graeme Dey, Claudia Beamish, Kate Forbes, Angus MacDonald, David Stewart, Emma Harper, Gail Ross.

Local Government and Communities Committee

Membership: Graham Simpson, Andy Wightman, Bob Doris, Elaine Smith, Kenneth Gibson, Alexander Stewart, Mairi Evans.

Rural Economy and Connectivity Committee

Membership: Edward Mountain, Jamie Greene, Peter Chapman, Mike Rumbles, John Finnie, Gail Ross, Rhoda Grant, Emma Harper, Stewart Stevenson, Richard Lyle, John Mason.

Health and Sport Committee

Membership: Donald Cameron, Miles Briggs, Alex Cole-Hamilton, Alison Johnstone, Neil Findlay, Clare Haughey, Tom Arthur, Richard Lyle, Ivan McKee, Colin Smyth, Maree Todd.

Public Petitions Committee

Membership: Maurice Corry, Brian Whittle, Johann Lamont, Angus MacDonald, Rona Mackay.

Delegated Powers and Law Reform Committee

Membership: John Scott, Rachael Hamilton, Stuart McMillan, David Torrance, Elaine Smith.

Equal Opportunities Committee

Membership: Annie Wells, Jeremy Balfour, Alex Cole-Hamilton, Christina McKelvie, Willie Coffey, David Torrance, Mary Fee.

European and External Relations Committee

Membership: Jackson Carlaw, Rachael Hamilton, Ross Greer, Joan McAlpine, Bruce Crawford, Richard Lochhead, Lewis Macdonald.

Finance Committee

Membership: Alex Johnstone, Murdo Fraser, Adam Tomkins, Patrick Harvie, Michael Russell, Neil Bibby, Willie Coffey, James Kelly, Kate Forbes, Ivan McKee, Ash Denham.

Public Audit Committee

Membership: Alison Harris, Liam Kerr, Jenny Marra, Monica Lennon, Alex Neil, Colin Beattie, Jenny Gilruth.

Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee

Membership: John Scott, Alexander Stewart, Patrick Harvie, Clare Adamson, Tom Arthur, Clare Haughey, Daniel Johnson.

Economy, Jobs and Fair Work Committee

Membership: Gordon Lindhurst, Dean Lockhart, Liam Kerr, Andy Wightman, Ash Denham, Gordon MacDonald, Gillian Martin, John Mason, Gil Paterson, Jackie Baillie, Richard Leonard.

Education and Skills Committee

Membership: Liz Smith, Ross Thomson, Tavish Scott, Ross Greer, James Dornan, Johann Lamont, Colin Beattie, Jenny Gilruth, Fulton MacGregor, Daniel Johnson, Gillian Martin.

Justice Committee

Membership: Margaret Mitchell, Douglas Ross, Oliver Mundell, Liam McArthur, John Finnie, Rona Mackay, Mairi Evans, Mary Fee, Ben Macpherson, Fulton MacGregor, Stewart Stevenson.

Social Security Committee

Membership: Adam Tomkins, Gordon Lindhurst, Alison Johnstone, Sandra White, George Adam, Mark Griffin, Ruth Maguire, Pauline McNeill, Ben Macpherson.”

Author: Senscot

Scottish Government new ‘colourful’ approach to engaging stakeholders in a consultation.

Social enterprise sector representatives are working with Scottish Govt to co-produce a ‘Social Enterprise Strategy for Scotland’ for the next 10 years. This builds on the SE Vision 2025 (Feb 2015). A series of roundtable discussions involving the wider third sector as well as the public and private sectors are taking place during this month covering a range of topics including employability, social investment and business support. In addition to this an interactive website has been developed to collect and prioritise views of social enterprises in an open and democratic way – this is your opportunity to contribute your ideas, views and get involved in discussion forums. The hashtag to use on social media is #sestrategy.